On July 22, 1942, the systematic deportation of Jewish people from the Warsaw ghetto begins, as thousands are rounded up daily and transported to a newly constructed concentration/extermination camp at Treblinka, in Poland.
On July 17, Heinrich Himmler, head of the Nazi SS, arrived at Auschwitz, the concentration camp in eastern Poland, in time to watch the arrival of more than 2,000 Dutch Jews and the gassing of almost 500 of them, mostly the elderly, sick and very young. The next day, Himmler promoted the camp commandant, Rudolph Hoess, to SS major and ordered that the Warsaw ghetto (the Jewish quarter constructed by the Nazis upon the occupation of Poland, enclosed first by barbed wire and then by brick walls), be depopulated–a “total cleansing,” as he described it–and the inhabitants transported to what was to become a second extermination camp constructed at the railway village of Treblinka, 62 miles northeast of Warsaw.
READ MORE: Holocaust Photos Reveal Horrors of Nazi Concentration Camps
Within the first seven weeks of Himmler’s order, more than 250,000 Jews were taken to Treblinka by rail and gassed to death, marking the largest single act of destruction of any population group, Jewish or non-Jewish, civilian or military, in the war. Upon arrival at “T. II,” as this second camp at Treblinka was called, prisoners were separated by sex, stripped, and marched into what were described as “bathhouses,” but were in fact gas chambers. T. II’s first commandant was Dr. Irmfried Eberl, age 32, the man who had headed up the euthanasia program of 1940 and had much experience with the gassing of victims, especially children. He compelled several hundred Ukrainian and about 1,500 Jewish prisoners to assist him. They removed gold teeth from victims before hauling the bodies to mass graves. Eberl was relieved of his duties for “inefficiency.” It seems that he and his workers could not remove the corpses quickly enough, and panic was occurring within the railway cars of newly arrived prisoners.
By the end of the war, between 700,000 and 900,000 would die at either Treblinka I or II. Hoess was tried and sentenced to death by the Nuremberg Tribunal. He was hanged in 1947.
Jews who were rounded up for deportation on the Umschlagplatz in the Warsaw ghetto, August 1942
When the mass deportations of the Jews of Warsaw to the Treblinka Death Camp began on July 22, 1942, the Jewish police units were ordered to participate in rounding up the Jews for deportation.
The Jewish police had been organized simultaneously with the establishment of the ghetto itself, and was comprised of volunteers who were primarily well educated and upper class young men. Many lawyers, seeking the means for survival, joined the commanding ranks of the Jewish police. The Jewish police was first organized in order to direct traffic, supervise garbage collection, supervise sanitation in the buildings, prevent crime and preserve order within the ghetto. However, they were charged in 1941 with providing workers to the German authorities for forced labor, and in the summer of 1942, were made responsible for gathering Jews for deportation during the mass deportations from Warsaw to Treblinka.
Faced with a complex dilemma, they were promised immunity from the deportations for themselves and their families, and many believed that in fulfilling the orders, they were helping save Jewish lives. By participating in the roundups, they would help to limit their scope by preventing individuals exempt from deportation from being deported regardless of the papers in their possession. Additionally, they felt that if the German units themselves were to carry out the deportations, they would be much more brutal and merciless than the Jewish police. The participation of the Jewish police in the roundups led to their being the most hated group within the Jewish community of the ghetto. As the roundups continued and the police realized they were simply a tool in the hands of the Germans, that their own fates were insecure, many deserted the ranks of the Jewish police, trying to join the workshops in the ghetto or going into hiding. In response, strong measures were taken against the Jewish police, forcing them to either meet the daily quota of Jews to be rounded up or their relatives would be taken to fill the quota. On September 21, 1942, Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement), the final day of the mass deportations from Warsaw, the vast majority of the Jewish police and their families were deported to Treblinka.
Deportations to and from the Warsaw Ghetto - ID Card/Oral History
Gisha was raised by Yiddish-speaking, religious Jewish parents in the town of Pultusk in central Poland. She married in the late 1890s and moved with her husband, Shmuel David Bursztyn, to the city of Warsaw, where Shmuel owned and operated a bakery on Zamenhofa Street in the city's Jewish section. In 1920 the Bursztyns and their eight children moved to a two-bedroom apartment at 47 Mila Street.
1933-39: By 1939 six of Gisha's children were grown and had left home: her eldest daughters had married, and her four eldest sons had immigrated to America and Mexico. Only her youngest son and daughter still lived at home. Her husband had given up his business and was working for the Kagan Bakery. Germany invaded Poland on September 1, 1939. After being attacked for four weeks, Warsaw fell to the Germans on September 28.
1940-42: When the Warsaw ghetto was set up by the Germans in November 1940, the Bursztyn's apartment ended up within the closed-off ghetto. Shmuel continued working at the Kagan Bakery, which was also located within the ghetto. In April 1942 he was killed by the Germans. Fearing the German roundups, Gisha decided to hide in one of the ghetto's makeshift bunkers. During a massive roundup that began on July 22, 1942, Gisha was rousted from her bunker, marched several blocks to an assembly point, and herded onto a boxcar.
Gisha was deported to the Treblinka killing center, where she was gassed in July 1942. She was 65.
One of six children, Welwel was born to Jewish parents living in the predominantly Jewish town of Kaluszyn, 35 miles east of Warsaw. His parents were religious, and they spoke Yiddish at home. Welwel's father was a bookkeeper for a large landowner. After Welwel's father died, his mother ran a newspaper kiosk in Kaluszyn. Welwel married when he was in his twenties and moved with his wife Henia to Warsaw.
1933-39: When war broke out three months ago, many Jews left Warsaw in a mass exodus towards the east. They were mostly young and middle-aged men who were afraid that the Germans would deport them as forced labor. Welwel was scared, too, but he couldn't leave Henia and their two children, Miriam and Fiszel. Now the Germans have entered the city, and they are seizing Jews off the street for labor gangs. Welwel tries to stay inside as much as possible.
1940-43: The Jewish ghetto, situated in the heart of the Jewish quarter, was sealed off a few weeks ago. The Rzondzinski family's house on Gesia Street is in the ghetto and so is Welwel's grocery store, on Nowolipki Street. Only small quantities of food can legally be brought into the ghetto, so his stocks have shrunk. Most of his customers purchase the basic items that they are allowed on their near-starvation ration of bread, potatoes, and ersatz fat. Those of them who have the means complement their diet with black market goods.
Welwel and his family did not survive the war. They are thought to have been deported to the Treblinka killing center in the summer of 1942 or early 1943.
Chil Meyer Rajchman
Chil was one of six children born to a Jewish family in the industrial city of Lodz. His mother died before World War II, leaving his father to raise the family. Chil's father could not sustain the family financially, so Chil, as the eldest male child, went to work to help support his brothers and sisters.
1933-39: On September 1, 1939, the Germans invaded Poland. Chil fled Lodz with his younger sister to Pruszkow, a small town 10 miles southwest of Warsaw, where there were fewer restrictions on Jews. There was a ghetto there but it wasn't cordoned off. Three times a week they were taken to a railroad labor camp and forced to work--they were often beaten. When the Nazis liquidated the railroad brigades Chil was deported to the Warsaw ghetto.
1940-45: After several months in the Warsaw ghetto, Chil was transferred first to the Lublin area and then, in 1942, to the Treblinka killing center. When he arrived he heard a guard call out, "Who's a barber?" With nothing to lose Chil answered, "I am." He was handed scissors and marched to the gas chambers. Suddenly, a door at one end of the cell opened and screaming guards pushed naked women into the room and forced them to sit. Chil cut their hair in five snips, threw the hair in a suitcase and left the chamber before they were gassed.
In August 1943 Chil escaped from Treblinka during an uprising. He then hid until he was liberated by the Soviet army on January 17, 1945.
Sylvia's Jewish-born parents had converted to Christianity as young adults, and Sylvia was raised in the Christian tradition. Mr. Winawer was a successful lawyer and the family lived in an apartment in the center of Warsaw. Sylvia's mother collected art.
1933-39: Sylvia attended a private school run by the Lutheran Church, and she loved her school and classmates. When she was 9, her parents brought her the most wonderful "present"--a new sister! Two years later life changed when the Germans invaded Poland and reached Warsaw in September 1939.
1940-44: In October 1940 the Germans forced Sylvia's family to move to the Warsaw ghetto. In the ghetto she gave lessons in the third grade curriculum to an orphan girl named Feiga, and she grew very close to her. But Feiga was so poor that she was taken to an orphanage in the ghetto. Sylvia was very sad when Feiga and all the children of the orphanage, as well as the director of the orphanage, Dr. Janusz Korczak, were deported from the ghetto in 1942.
Sylvia and her parents escaped from the Warsaw ghetto and survived the war. Sylvia later learned that Feiga had been killed at the Treblinka killing center in 1942.
Deportations to Treblinka
Deportations to Treblinka came mainly from the ghettos of the Warsaw and Radom districts in the General Government. Between late July and September 1942, the Germans deported around 265,000 Jews from the Warsaw ghetto to Treblinka. Between August and November 1942, SS and police authorities deported around 346,000 Jews to Treblinka II from the Radom District. From October 1942 until February 1943, the Germans deported to the Treblinka killing center more than 110,000 Jews from the Bialystok District, a section of German-occupied Poland that was attached administratively to German East Prussia. Treblinka also received transports of at least 33,300 Jews from the Lublin District.
German SS and police authorities deported Jews to Treblinka from the Bulgarian-occupied zones in Thrace and Macedonia. They also deported some 8,000 Jews from Theresienstadt in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Other small groups of Jews of undetermined numbers were killed at Treblinka II. The Germans deported these groups from Germany, Austria, France, and Slovakia via various transit locations in the General Government. In addition, an undetermined number of Roma (Gypsies) and Poles were killed at Treblinka II.
Deportations to Treblinka continued until the spring of 1943. Most prominent among the deportations were the approximately 7,000 Jews transported from the Warsaw ghetto after its liquidation following the Warsaw ghetto uprising. A few isolated transports arrived after May 1943.
Vladka (Fagele) Peltel Meed describes the deportation of her mother and brother from the Warsaw ghetto to Treblinka
Vladka belonged to the Zukunft youth movement of the Bund (the Jewish Socialist party). She was active in the Warsaw ghetto underground as a member of the Jewish Fighting Organization (ZOB). In December 1942, she was smuggled out to the Aryan, Polish side of Warsaw to try to obtain arms and to find hiding places for children and adults. She became an active courier for the Jewish underground and for Jews in camps, forests, and other ghettos.
When it was the deportation and she [Vladka's mother] was deported together with my brother, I, I was, I want to take out from the Umschlagplatz [the assembly point], you know, and I thought that maybe I will bribe one of the policemen in our house. Whatever I have, I had a little watch or some others, and the policemen sometimes were able to take out people from the Umschlagplatz. And I went to him, and nothing worked, and finally I decided I will go together with them. I told them that I will be with, together when they will be deported, and I went to the Umschlagplatz, but I, somehow I couldn't decide and I couldn't make myself go there, because I knew from the underground that this deporting is leading not to other places. If it was my youth or I didn't go to her, and even today it bothers me. And she went with my little brother and I mentioned that from the Umschlagplatz he sent out the note that they are, he is hungry and they are going, at that time they were giving before the entry to the trains, bread and marmalade for the people to make them believe that they are going to be resettled into other cities when the truth was that they were being taken to Treblinka, to the gas chambers.
This Day in Jewish History / A woman who smuggled guns in and children out of Warsaw Ghetto is born
The main event, a mass procession called "From Death to Life" will be dedicated to children who were sent to their deaths. Marchers will start off at the famous Umschlagplatz, where victims boarded trains to death camps and made their way to Janusz Korczak's famous orphanage. Each participant will receive a colored ribbon bearing the name of a child murdered by the Nazis. Some participants will be able to write on their ribbon the name of a child they are familiar with – either personally or through literature.
On the same day a memorial will be held for Adam Czerniaków, the head of the Jewish council at the Warsaw Ghetto, who on July 23, 1942 committed suicide when he understood the scope of the exterminations. Even though the Warsaw Ghetto was cleared out in 1942 and Jews were transferred to Treblinka, it remained standing until it was destroyed in the Spring of 1943.
Among the memorial events will also be an exhibition at the prestigious gallery in the heart of Warsaw, which will open on Sunday afternoon, and display the drawings of an unknown artist named Rozenfeld (his first name is unknown). The drawings, which describe the reality of the closed quarter, were preserved in the archive of the Polish-Jewish historian Emanuel Ringelblum. The exhibition is sponsored by Piotr uchowski.
That evening, a public concert of Jewish music will take place in a street that before the Holocaust was a central vein of the Jewish quarter. On the program are ancient works, songs of our times along with Sephardi tunes.
Sunday's events are the results of an initiative by the Institute of Jewish History and the joint efforts of almost all the Polish-Jewish organizations in Warsaw. The largest newspaper of the capital city, "Gazeta Wyborcza," is accompanying the events with a series of articles and photographs on the Holocaust. According to the newspaper, the director of the Treblinka museum, Irena Grzesiak-Olszewska, has sadly stated that school students show minimal interest in the extermination camp and that authorities are unwilling to take necessary measures to maintain roads leading to the camp.
Jews loading onto trains at the Umschlagplatz, Warsaw. Wikipedia
Experiencing History Holocaust Sources in Context
Newspapers such as the Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt or the Gazeta żydowska (the equivalent of the Nachrichtenblatt in Kraków, the "capital" of the Generalgouvernement) reflected the reality of Nazi-dominated and increasingly precarious Jewish life in the zone of German occupation. Orders, regulations, restrictions and daily humiliations emanated from their pages as part of the general Nazi policy to control (and, eventually, extinguish) Jewish life in the realm under its control. But visible as they were, these newspapers were far outnumbered by "illegal" publications distributed in and outside the ghettos in German-occupied Europe.
The "underground press" was almost never as grand as the general rubric implies. Rather than consisting of regular newspaper sheets, the many publications that fell into this category were in fact typewritten or mimeographed, printed on bulk paper, and passed by hand to trusted contacts. It was difficult to find printing paper in wartime, especially for Jews intent on producing illegal publications, and distribution was a problem, because print is bulky and difficult to move around unnoticed. Even so, the publications produced under these difficult circumstances numbered in the dozens, and reached more than a few Jews in Europe, directly or indirectly. Even though the print run of all these newspapers was limited, because of the primitive nature of production, they were passed on by hand to other trusted readers it is estimated that each copy thus reached dozens of voracious readers. Deciding whom to offer the news bulletin to next was tricky: it had to be a trusted person, for distributing illegal press&mdashespecially outlawed Jewish press&mdashwas an offense punished severely, often by death. But despite this, underground publications were distributed widely, and most people were aware of their existence.
The Warsaw ghetto alone boasted some fifty underground press titles. 1 These newspapers differed in their outlooks, physical and literary qualities, and readership: the prewar political lines in the sand were rarely crossed in the press, and each newspaper voiced the worldview of its political constituency. The newspapers espoused ideological positions ranging from the various brands of mainstream and revisionist Zionism to the extreme left-wing, including communism, and were published in Yiddish, Polish, and Hebrew.
Despite the political differences, however, and largely owing to the severe constraints of ghettoization, most of the publications in the Warsaw ghetto&mdashand the Jewish press at large&mdashstuck to a more or less uniform organization of content. They opened with a political statement, depending on the paper's ideological persuasion, pertinent to the current political and Jewish situation, followed by the news from the front (usually obtained by listening to BBC or other allied broadcasts on secret radios that had not been turned over to the Germans), the news from the ghetto, and the general situation in which the Jews were living.
Between late July and late September 1942, the Germans deported some quarter million Jews from the Warsaw ghetto to their deaths at Treblinka, a killing center some 50 miles northeast from the city. This genocidal development was part of Operation Reinhard, the plan to murder all Jews in the Generalgouvernement. To add insult to injury, the "great action," as the Germans euphemistically called the operation to decimate the Warsaw ghetto, in effect lasted from Tisha b'Av (July 23) to Yom Kippur (September 21) of that year, two Jewish holidays, the latter arguably the most important date in the Hebrew calendar.
Before these deportations, Warsaw Jews had been painfully familiar with the history of occupation, ghettoization, radical antisemitism, daily humiliation, occasional murder&mdashimpressions and experiences reinforced by testimonies of refugees from other parts of Poland who somehow made it to the Warsaw ghetto, and rumors and news about systematic murder of Jews in the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, this first wave of mass murder that Warsaw Jews encountered was shocking and barely believable many were ready to accept the story that large numbers of Warsaw Jews were being "resettled" to work somewhere in the "east."
On one of the last days of the great deportation, on September 20, 1942, the socialist Bund underground ghetto newspaper, Oyf der vakh (On guard) published a detailed account of "Treblinki," the place where Warsaw Jews were being taken, and unmasked the murder that was taking place there. The anonymous author of the text mistakenly called Treblinka "Treblinki," most likely because they had never heard of the place before. Today, most people know it because of the infamous killing center, but in the summer of 1942, few people, even in Warsaw, had a reason to ever have heard of it. This article was one of the first descriptions of the process of mass murder in Treblinka later that year, in November, as documented in Jewish Responses to Persecution vol. 3, the first eyewitness accounts of Treblinka were collected in the ghetto by the activists of Oyneg Shabes, Emanuel Ringelblum's secret archival society.
For more details about the underground press in the Warsaw ghetto, which also describes this phenomenon in general, see Israel Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939-1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989) and Barbara Engelking and Jacek Leociak, The Warsaw Ghetto: A Guide to the Perished City (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009).
The term used here is the euphemistic German "Aussiedlung," or "resettlement." From here on, this is translated as "deportation." Deportations from the Warsaw ghetto began in July 1942 and continued until September, when this article was written. Deportations resumed in January 1943.
As in the two other Operation Reinhard extermination camps (Bełżec and Sobibor), Treblinka had an auxiliary guard unit composed of former Soviet prisoners of war of various nationalities as well as so-called ethnic Germans trained near Trawniki in the Lublin district. These Trawniki men supplemented a small German camp staff that numbered only up to 35 SS men and police. See Peter Black, "Foot Soldiers of the Final Solution: The Trawniki Training Camp and Operation Reinhard," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 25/1 (2011), 1-99.
In 1942, the particular Nazi method of mass killing in Treblinka was neither widely known nor entirely confirmed. In fact, the Treblinka gas chambers relied on the use of carbon monoxide. For the history of the killing centers of Operation Reinhard, see Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999).
The Umschlagplatz, the collection and deportation point in Warsaw.
In addition to Treblinka and Bełżec, the third camp of Operation Reinhard was Sobibór near the Generalgouvernement's border to Reichskommissariat Ukraine.
As in the case in the speech mentioned in the previous paragraph, about the Jews being taken for work in Smolensk or Kyiv, this was clearly a lie as well. In 1940, the Nazis briefly considered Madagascar as a place to which they would be able to deport European Jews, but this "plan" went nowhere. It is possible that the SS officer was recirculating old news, as the "Madagascar plan" was something at least some of the Jews would have heard of before, and so this lie would provide a false sense of hope.
Already during the deportations from Warsaw ghetto, as well as during similar developments elsewhere, many Jews perceived the Jewish ghetto police as traitors, since they were rounding up the Jews in the ghetto and helping deliver the "quotas" of Jews to the Germans. This perception continued after the war, among Holocaust survivors. For a contemporary account written by anonymous members of the Kovno ghetto police, see Samuel Schalkowsky, trans., The Clandestine History of the Kovno Jewish Ghetto Police (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014). For a broader topic of Jewish collaboration, see Laura Jokusch and Gabriel Finder, eds., Jewish Honor Courts: Revenge, Retribution, and Reconciliation in Europe and Israel after the Holocaust (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2015).
Warsaw's Jews are Being Murdered in Treblinki
In the first weeks of the "deportation action," 1 Warsaw was full of greeting [cards] from those Warsaw Jews who had been sent away. The greetings came from Bialystok, Brisk, 2 Kosov [Kosów Lacki], Malkin [Malkinia], Pinsk, Smolensk.
This was all a lie! All trains with Warsaw Jews went to Treblinki, where the Jews were killed in a terrible fashion.
The letters and greetings came from people who were able to escape from the train cars or from the camp itself. It is also possible that a few Warsaw Jews from the first transports at the beginning of the action were intentionally sent to Brisk or Pinsk, so that their greetings would deceive, mislead, and give rise to false illusions among the Jewish populace in Warsaw.
What was the actual fate of the Jews who were deported?
This we find out from what Poles tell us and from the stories of Jews who succeeded in escaping from the train cars or from the camp in Treblinki.
Treblinki is the first train station on the Malkin-Siedlets [Siedlce] train line. The camp in Treblinki occupies around a half of a square kilometer. The camp is encircled with three rows of barbed wire fence. The innermost and outermost fences have a height of one and one half meters, while the middle fence has a height of three meters. It is very heavily wired and interwoven with bushes. A branch of the train line has been brought beyond the first, outermost fence. A modern, asphalt train ramp has been built there, as well as large warehouses, a few hundred meters in length. After the living and dead have been quickly unloaded from the train cars, the Jews are led into the inside of the camp. They must leave all of their baggage lying near the train cars.
Inside, in the camp, two long barracks have been built, about thirty meters in length. The barrack for the men is located on the right, the barrack for women on the left. In addition to Ukrainians or Latvians from the convoy, 3 a group of about 60 Jews assists with unloading the train. These are not deportees, they are young people from Stotshek near Vengrov [Stoczek near Węgrów], who were taken as helpers for the camp staff. They are armed with sticks. They chase, push, and hit. Where the S.S. men give one blow, they [the Jews] always give several. They look well, they are well nourished. Aside from that they gorge themselves on the food that is taken from the deportees.
Even as early as the deportees step off the train, shots fall on those who lag behind, or shots are simply fired for no reason at all. The dead bodies that are unloaded from the train cars, and those who have just fallen, are buried on the spot, between the first and second fences. In groups of two, Jews from earlier transports take the bodies by the hands and legs and throw them into a grave that was prepared earlier. Yet the Jewish gravediggers, who voluntarily reported for such work, never return to the camp. After finishing their work they are shot on the spot.
One of the gravediggers escaped in the following fashion: in the middle of work, instead of going up the ramp for additional dead bodies, he crawled through the wires of the fence and hid in the neighboring bushes. He happened upon a peasant who, for the price of a pair of boots, showed him the road into the village. A second gravedigger hid next to the ramp, amongst the baggage that the deportees had to leave. At night, he succeeded in hiding under the train car and in this way he made his way out of the camp to freedom.
The baggage of the deportees is laid out near the ramp. It occupies an area of several hundred meters in length and up to one and one half meters in height. The width of this area continues to grow. The camp staff has not yet had time to sort the things. Workers are taken from the camp to lay the things out. After finishing the work they return back to the camp. Many of them try to escape. They hide amongst the things, and after the transport arrives, they try to crawl through the first barbed-wire fence&mdashwhich is not too difficult.
What takes place in the camp itself?
The new arrivals always meet people from earlier transports, who are sitting on the ground or in the barracks. Terrible cries are heard, screams, cries for help. People are constantly being shot. Ukrainians with machine guns sit on the roofs of both barracks, and they constantly fire shots in order to instill fear in the few Jews who draw close to the barbed wire. Constant noise is heard from a powerful machine that digs up earth. This digging machine is located in the left, backmost corner of the camp, near the barrack that is called the "showers." There are not many Ukrainians in the camp. The entire camp staff together with the S.S. men consists of 100 persons. From each group that arrives, volunteers are immediately chosen who must go for water. Yet none of these ever returns to the camp. After their departure a heavy round of fire from machine guns is heard. Then a second party goes to bury the dead.
The newly arrived women and children are arranged in groups of 200 persons to go into the "showers." They are undressed until completely naked, their things remain, and they themselves are led into the small barrack that is called the "showers" and is located near the digging machine. No one returns from the showers, and new parties go in constantly. This "bathhouse" is actually a murder house. The floor in the barrack caves in together with the people, who fall into a machine. According to certain persons who have escaped, the people in the barrack are gassed according to others they are killed by electric current. 4 The digging machine digs all the while. Shots are heard endlessly from the little tower that is located over the "showers." They say that in this fashion, those in the barrack who are still on their feet after the gassing are shot. The "shower" takes in 200 people every 15 minutes. It is therefore capable of killing up to 20,000 people over the course of twenty-four hours. Herein lies the explanation for the constant arrival of people in the camp from whence there is no return&mdashexcept for a few hundred who were able to escape over the course of this whole time.
For a certain period of time, up to two trains daily arrived from Warsaw, with 12,000 people in each. When only one train came from Warsaw, a second train used to come from other cities.
On August 20th (approximately), 4 trains arrived in the camp: from Warsaw, Kelts [Kielce], Skarzhisk [Skarżysko-Kamienna],and one from Polesye [Polesie]. On certain days, trains also arrived from Germany and from Czechoslovakia.
During the day, the women and children are liquidated in the camp, during the night&mdashthe men.
Among those who escaped were people who were in the camp for 7 days. They would always join the newly arrived transports. One woman who wore pants hid for 9 days in the men's group. Escaping from the camp itself is difficult and risky, but there are people who attempt to do this, in spite of the fact that the camp territory is brightly lit at night. The smallest movement provokes a series of machine-gun shots. One of those who escaped was about to go into the "showers," he was naked, so he smeared himself with mud and, as a result, succeeded in crawling through the barbed wire, unnoticed by the guard. One of those who escaped tells of a Jew who suddenly attacked a Ukrainian and snatched his gun away from him. He gave the Ukrainian the gun back for the price of enabling him to escape. The Ukrainian hid him in a train car and brought him out of the camp in this fashion.
The Jews from Stotshek, members of the camp auxiliary, go around amongst the Jews in the camp demanding that money and valuables be surrendered. The Ukrainians have pockets full of gold, diamonds, watches. Many people do not want to surrender their property to the murderers, and they tear up the money, bury the valuables. There is heavy trade in the camp in a drink that is manufactured from human urine and sweetened with saccharine (1 small packet of saccharine costs 100 złoty).
Why doesn't a mass escape ever take place?
Rumors circulate in the camp that the camp is encircled with a very heavy guard, that the wires are highly electrified. The people are broken down from their terrible experiences on the Umschlag, 5 during the trip, and in the camp. The general depression affects even more active personalities. A certain butcher had his knife with him, and he wanted to do "something," but the surrounding Jews restrained him.
The younger, stronger, and more active men are immediately taken upon arrival because they are mostly those who report voluntarily for bringing water or burying the dead. None of them returns to the camp. They are all shot.
When the wind blows in the direction of Malkin, the distinct smell of the dead that comes from Treblinki can be felt at the Malkin train station. The Jewish population in the small surrounding villages knows quite well the fate of the Jews in Treblinki. For this reason, they [the surrounding Jews] have not allowed themselves to be loaded into the train cars. Many of them have been shot on the spot. Those who could went into hiding, escaped. This is what happened in Vengrov and in other villages.
3 such camps [as Treblinka] exist: one near Pinsk for the eastern provinces, one in the Lublin region, in Belzets [Bełżec], and the third, the largest, in Treblinki near Malkin. 6
For every arriving transport, an S.S. man gives a speech in which he assures that all will travel out to work in Smolensk, or Kiev.
On the night of the 19th to 20th of August, during the bombardment of Warsaw, the Treblinki camp was blacked out for the first time. An S.S. man gave a speech to the Jews and said that an agreement had been reached between the German government and Roosevelt about sending the European Jews to Madagascar. 7 The first transport leaves from Treblinki as early as tomorrow. This announcement brought forth great joy among the Jews. The death machines began their "normal" work once again as soon as the alarm was called off.
The Hitlerites strive to deceive the Jews up until the very last moment even on the grounds of the camp itself. Not only through speeches, but even the signs and the "way of life" there create the impression that Treblinki is a step to something else, to a further trip or to labor&mdashin any case, to further life. The S.S. fears an attempt at resistance or rebellion&mdashand this is why the deception of Jews plays such a large role in their [deportation] actions.
There were voices in Jewish society who warned the populace in the first days of the [deportation] action what the action meant.
Every Jew today must know the fate of those who have been deported.
The small cluster that remains in Warsaw awaits the same fate.
The conclusion therefore is: do not allow yourself to be fooled! Go into hiding! Do not allow yourself to be deceived by any registrations, selections, numbers, and inspections!
Jews, help one other, take care of the children! Help the "underground"! The shameful traitors and accomplices&mdashthe Jewish police&mdashmust be boycotted! 8 Do not believe them. Beware of them. Resist them!
We are all soldiers on a terrible front!
We must endure so we can demand that our tortured brothers and sisters, children and elderly are accounted for&mdashthose who were killed by the hands of murderers on the battlefield of freedom and humanity!
Following the invasion of Poland in 1939 most of the 3.5 million Polish Jews were rounded up and confined to newly established ghettos by Nazi Germany. The system was intended to isolate the Jews from the outside world in order to facilitate their exploitation and abuse.  The supply of food was inadequate, living conditions were cramped and unsanitary, and the Jews had no way to earn money. Malnutrition and lack of medicine led to soaring mortality rates.  In 1941, the initial victories of the Wehrmacht [c] over the Soviet Union inspired plans for the German colonisation of occupied Poland, including all territory within the new district of General Government. At the Wannsee Conference held near Berlin on 20 January 1942, new plans were outlined for the genocide of the Jews, known as the "Final Solution" to the Jewish Question.  The extermination programme was codenamed Operation Reinhard. [d] and was separate from the Einsatzgruppen mass killing operations in Eastern Europe, in which half a million Jews had already been murdered. 
Treblinka was one of three secret extermination camps set up for Operation Reinhard the other two were Bełżec and Sobibór.   All three were equipped with gas chambers disguised as shower rooms, for the killing of entire transports of people. The method of killing was established following a pilot project of mobile extermination conducted at Soldau and at Chełmno extermination camp that began operating in 1941 and used gas vans. Chełmno (German: Kulmhof) was a testing ground for the establishment of faster methods of killing and incinerating bodies.  It was not a part of Reinhard, which was marked by the construction of stationary facilities for mass murder.  Treblinka was the third extermination camp of Operation Reinhard to be built, following Bełżec and Sobibór, and incorporated lessons learned from their construction.  Alongside the Reinhard camps, mass killing facilities using Zyklon B were developed at the Majdanek concentration camp in March 1942,  and at Auschwitz II-Birkenau between March and June. 
Nazi plans to kill Polish Jews from across the General Government during Aktion Reinhard were overseen in occupied Poland by Odilo Globocnik, a deputy of Heinrich Himmler, head of the SS, in Berlin.   The Operation Reinhard camps reported directly to Himmler.  The staff of Operation Reinhard, most of whom had been involved in the Action T4 involuntary euthanasia programme,  used T4 as a framework for the construction of new facilities.  Most of the Jews who were killed in the Reinhard camps came from ghettos. 
The two parallel camps of Treblinka were built 80 kilometres (50 mi) northeast of Warsaw.   Before World War II, it was the location of a gravel mining enterprise for the production of concrete, connected to most of the major cities in central Poland by the Małkinia–Sokołów Podlaski railway junction and the Treblinka village station. The mine was owned and operated by the Polish industrialist Marian Łopuszyński, who added the new 6-kilometre (3.7 mi) railway track to the existing line.  When the German SS took over Treblinka I, the quarry was already equipped with heavy machinery that was ready to use.  Treblinka was well-connected but isolated enough, [e]  halfway between some of the largest Jewish ghettos in Nazi-occupied Europe, including the ghetto in Warsaw and the ghetto in Białystok, the capital of the newly formed Bialystok District. The Warsaw Ghetto had 500,000 Jewish inmates,  and the Białystok Ghetto had about 60,000. 
Treblinka was divided into two separate camps that were 2 kilometres apart. Two engineering firms, the Schönbronn Company of Leipzig and the Warsaw branch of Schmidt–Münstermann, oversaw the construction of both camps.  Between 1942 and 1943 the extermination centre was further redeveloped with a crawler excavator. New gas chambers made of brick and cement mortar were freshly erected, and mass cremation pyres were also introduced.  The perimeter was enlarged to provide a buffer zone, making it impossible to approach the camp from the outside. The number of trains caused panic among the residents of nearby settlements.  They would likely have been killed if caught near the railway tracks. 
Opened on 1 September 1941 as a forced-labour camp (Arbeitslager),  Treblinka I replaced an ad hoc company set up in June 1941 by Sturmbannführer Ernst Gramss. A new barracks and barbed wire fencing 2 metres (6 ft 7 in) tall were erected in late 1941.  To obtain the workforce for Treblinka I, civilians were sent to the camp en masse for real or imagined offences, and sentenced to hard labour by the Gestapo office in Sokołów, which was headed by Gramss.  The average length of a sentence was six months, but many prisoners had their sentences extended indefinitely. Twenty thousand people passed through Treblinka I during its three-year existence. About half of them died there from exhaustion, hunger and disease.  Those who survived were released after serving their sentences these were generally Poles from nearby villages. 
At any given time, Treblinka I had a workforce of 1,000–2,000 prisoners,  most of whom worked 12- to 14-hour shifts in the large quarry and later also harvested wood from the nearby forest as fuel for the open-air crematoria in Treblinka II.  There were German, Czech and French Jews among them, as well as Poles captured in łapankas, [f] farmers unable to deliver food requisitions, hostages trapped by chance, and people who attempted to harbour Jews outside the Jewish ghettos or who performed restricted actions without permits. Beginning in July 1942, Jews and non-Jews were separated. Women mainly worked in the sorting barracks, where they repaired and cleaned military clothing delivered by freight trains,  while most of the men worked at the gravel mine. There were no work uniforms, and inmates who lost their own shoes were forced to go barefoot or scavenge them from dead prisoners. Water was rationed, and punishments were regularly delivered at roll-calls. From December 1943 the inmates were no longer carrying any specific sentences. The camp operated officially until 23 July 1944, when the imminent arrival of Soviet forces led to its abandonment. 
During its entire operation, Treblinka I's commandant was Sturmbannführer Theodor van Eupen.  He ran the camp with several SS men and almost 100 Hiwi guards. The quarry, spread over an area of 17 hectares (42 acres), supplied road construction material for German military use and was part of the strategic road-building programme in the war with the Soviet Union. It was equipped with a mechanical digger for shared use by both Treblinka I and II. Eupen worked closely with the SS and German police commanders in Warsaw during the deportation of Jews in early 1943 and had prisoners brought to him from the Warsaw Ghetto for the necessary replacements. According to Franciszek Ząbecki, the local station master, Eupen often killed prisoners by "taking shots at them, as if they were partridges". A widely feared overseer was Untersturmführer Franz Schwarz, who executed prisoners with a pickaxe or hammer. 
Treblinka II (officially the SS-Sonderkommando Treblinka) was divided into three parts: Camp 1 was the administrative compound where the guards lived, Camp 2 was the receiving area where incoming transports of prisoners were offloaded, and Camp 3 was the location of the gas chambers. [g] All three parts were built by two groups of German Jews recently expelled from Berlin and Hanover and imprisoned at the Warsaw Ghetto (a total of 238 men from 17 to 35 years of age).   Hauptsturmführer Richard Thomalla, the head of construction, brought in German Jews because they could speak German. Construction began on 10 April 1942,  when Bełżec and Sobibór were already in operation.  The entire death camp, which was either 17 hectares (42 acres)  or 13.5 hectares (33 acres) in size (sources vary),  was surrounded by two rows of barbed-wire fencing 2.5 metres (8 ft 2 in) tall. This fence was later woven with pine tree branches to obstruct the view of the camp from outside.  More Jews were brought in from surrounding settlements to work on the new railway ramp within the Camp 2 receiving area, which was ready by June 1942. 
The first section of Treblinka II (Camp 1) was the Wohnlager administrative and residential compound it had a telephone line. The main road within the camp was paved and named Seidel Straße [h] after Unterscharführer Kurt Seidel, the SS corporal who supervised its construction. A few side roads were lined with gravel. The main gate for road traffic was erected on the north side.  Barracks were built with supplies delivered from Warsaw, Sokołów Podlaski, and Kosów Lacki. There was a kitchen, a bakery, and dining rooms all were equipped with high-quality items taken from Jewish ghettos.  The Germans and Ukrainians each had their own sleeping quarters, positioned at an angle for better control of all entrances. There were also two barracks behind an inner fence for the Jewish work commandos, known as Sonderkommandos. SS-Untersturmführer Kurt Franz set up a small zoo in the centre next to his horse stables, containing two foxes, two peacocks and a roe deer (introduced in 1943).  Smaller rooms were built as laundry, tailors, and cobblers, and for woodworking and medical aid. Closest to the SS quarters were separate barracks for the Polish and Ukrainian women who served, cleaned, and worked in the kitchen. 
The next section of Treblinka II (Camp 2, also called the lower camp or Auffanglager), was the receiving area where the railway unloading ramp extended from the Treblinka line into the camp.   There was a long and narrow platform surrounded by barbed-wire fencing.  A new building, erected on the platform, was disguised as a railway station complete with a wooden clock and fake rail terminal signs. SS-Scharführer Josef Hirtreiter, who worked on the unloading ramp was known for being especially cruel he grabbed crying toddlers by their feet and smashed their heads against wagons.  Behind a second fence, about 100 metres (330 ft) from the track, there were two large barracks used for undressing, with a cashier's booth where money and jewelry were collected, ostensibly for safekeeping.  Jews who resisted were taken away or beaten to death by the guards. The area where the women and children were shorn of their hair was on the other side of the path from the men. All buildings in the lower camp, including the barber barracks, contained the piled up clothing and belongings of the prisoners.  Behind the station building, further to the right, there was a Sorting Square where all baggage was first collected by the Lumpenkommando. It was flanked by a fake infirmary called "Lazaret", with the Red Cross sign on it. It was a small barracks surrounded by barbed wire, where the sick, old, wounded and "difficult" prisoners were taken.  Directly behind the "Lazaret" shack, there was an open excavation pit seven metres (23 ft) deep. These prisoners were led to the edge of the pit  and shot one at a time by Blockführer Willi Mentz, nicknamed "Frankenstein" by the inmates.  Mentz single-handedly executed thousands of Jews,  aided by his supervisor, August Miete, who was called the "Angel of Death" by the prisoners.  The pit was also used to burn old worn-out clothes and identity papers deposited by new arrivals at the undressing area.  
The third section of Treblinka II (Camp 3, also called the upper camp) was the main killing zone, with gas chambers at its centre.  It was completely screened from the railway tracks by an earth bank built with the help of a mechanical digger. This mound was elongated in shape, similar to a retaining wall, and can be seen in a sketch produced during the 1967 trial of Treblinka II commandant Franz Stangl. On the other sides, the zone was camouflaged from new arrivals like the rest of the camp, using tree branches woven into barbed wire fences by the Tarnungskommando (the work detail led out to collect them).   From the undressing barracks, a fenced-off path led through the forested area to the gas chambers.  The SS cynically called it die Himmelstraße ("the road to heaven")  or der Schlauch ("the tube").  For the first eight months of the camp's operation, the excavator was used to dig burial ditches on both sides of the gas chambers these ditches were 50 metres (160 ft) long, 25 metres (82 ft) wide, and 10 metres (33 ft) deep.  In early 1943, they were replaced with cremation pyres up to 30 metres (98 ft) long, with rails laid across the pits on concrete blocks. The 300 prisoners who operated the upper camp lived in separate barracks behind the gas chambers. 
Unlike Nazi concentration camps in which prisoners were used as forced labour, extermination camps such as Treblinka had only one function: to kill those sent there. To prevent incoming victims from realising its nature, Treblinka II was disguised as a transit camp for deportations further east, complete with made-up train schedules, a fake train-station clock with hands painted on it, names of destinations,  a fake ticket window, and the sign "Ober Majdan",  a code word for Treblinka commonly used to deceive prisoners arriving from Western Europe. Majdan was a prewar landed estate 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) away from the camp. 
The mass deportation of Jews from the Warsaw Ghetto began on 22 July 1942 with the first shipment of 6,000 people. The gas chambers started operation the following morning.  For the next two months, deportations from Warsaw continued on a daily basis via two shuttle trains (the second one, from 6 August 1942),  each carrying about 4,000 to 7,000 people crying for water. No other trains were allowed to stop at the Treblinka station.  The first daily trains came in the early morning, often after an overnight wait, and the second, in mid-afternoon.  All new arrivals were sent immediately to the undressing area by the Bahnhofskommando squad that managed the arrival platform, and from there to the gas chambers. According to German records, including the official report by SS-Brigadeführer Jürgen Stroop, 265,000 Jews were transported in freight trains from the Warsaw Ghetto to Treblinka during the period from 22 July to 12 September 1942.  
The rail traffic on Polish railway lines was extremely dense. An average of 420 German military trains were passing through every 24 hours on top of internal traffic already in 1941.  The Holocaust trains were routinely delayed en route some transports took many days to arrive.  Hundreds of prisoners died from exhaustion, suffocation and thirst while in transit to the camp in the overcrowded wagons.  In extreme cases such as the Biała Podlaska transport of 6,000 Jews travelling only a 125-kilometre (78 mi) distance, up to 90 percent of people were already dead when the sealed doors were opened.  From September 1942 on, both Polish and foreign Jews were greeted with a brief verbal announcement. An earlier signboard with directions was removed because it was clearly insufficient.  The deportees were told that they had arrived at a transit point on the way to Ukraine and needed to shower and have their clothes disinfected before receiving work uniforms and new orders. 
Foreign Jews and Romani people
Treblinka received transports of almost 20,000 foreign Jews between October 1942 and March 1943, including 8,000 from the German Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia via Theresienstadt, and over 11,000 from Bulgarian-occupied Thrace, Macedonia, and Pirot following an agreement with the Nazi-allied Bulgarian government.  They had train tickets and arrived predominantly in passenger carriages with considerable luggage, travel foods and drinks, all of which were taken by the SS to the food storage barracks. The provisions included such items as smoked mutton, speciality breads, wine, cheese, fruit, tea, coffee, and sweets.  Unlike Polish Jews arriving in Holocaust trains from nearby ghettos in cities like Warsaw, Radom, and those of Bezirk Bialystok, the foreign Jews received a warm welcome upon arrival from an SS man (either Otto Stadie or Willy Mätzig),   after which they were killed like the others.  Treblinka was mainly used for the killing of Polish Jews, Bełżec was used to kill Jews from Austria and the Sudetenland, and Sobibór was used to kill Jews from France and the Netherlands. Auschwitz-Birkenau was used to kill Jews from almost every other country in Europe.  The frequency of arriving transports slowed down in winter. 
The decoupled locomotive went back to the Treblinka station or to the layover yard in Małkinia for the next load,  while the victims were pulled from the carriages onto the platform by Kommando Blau, one of the Jewish work details forced to assist the Germans at the camp.  They were led through the gate amidst chaos and screaming.  They were separated by gender behind the gate women were pushed into the undressing barracks and barber on the left, and men were sent to the right. All were ordered to tie their shoes together and strip. Some kept their own towels.  The Jews who resisted were taken to the "Lazaret", also called the "Red Cross infirmary", and shot behind it. Women had their hair cut off therefore, it took longer to prepare them for the gas chambers than men.  The hair was used in the manufacture of socks for U-boat crews and hair-felt footwear for the Deutsche Reichsbahn. [i] 
Most of those killed at Treblinka were Jews, but about 2,000 Romani people also died there. Like the Jews, the Romani were first rounded up and sent to the ghettos. At a conference on 30 January 1940 it was decided that all 30,000 Romani living in Germany proper were to be deported to former Polish territory. Most of these were sent to Jewish ghettos in the General Government, such as those in Warsaw and Łódź. As with the Jews, most Romani who went to Treblinka died in the gas chambers, although some were shot. The majority of the Jews living in ghettos were sent to Bełżec, Sobibór, or Treblinka to be executed most of the Romani living in the ghettos were shot on the spot. There were no known Romani escapees or survivors from Treblinka. 
After undressing, the newly arrived Jews were beaten with whips to drive them towards the gas chambers hesitant men were treated particularly brutally. Rudolf Höss, the commandant at Auschwitz, contrasted the practice at Treblinka of deceiving the victims about the showers with his own camp's practice of telling them they had to go through a "delousing" process.  According to the postwar testimony of some SS officers, men were always gassed first, while women and children waited outside the gas chambers for their turn. During this time, the women and children could hear the sounds of suffering from inside the chambers, and they became aware of what awaited them, which caused panic, distress, and even involuntary defecation. 
Many survivors of the Treblinka camp testified that an officer known as 'Ivan the Terrible' was responsible for operating the gas chambers in 1942 and 1943. While Jews were awaiting their fate outside the gas chambers, Ivan the Terrible allegedly tortured, beat, and killed many of them. Survivors witnessed Ivan beat victims' heads open with a pipe, cut victims with a sword or a bayonet, cut off noses and ears, and gouge out eyes.  One survivor testified that Ivan killed an infant by bashing it against a wall  and another claimed that he raped a young girl before cutting her abdomen open and letting her bleed to death. 
The gas chambers were entirely closed off by a tall wooden fence. Originally, they consisted of three interconnected barracks 8 metres (26 ft) long and 4 metres (13 ft) wide, disguised as showers. They had double walls insulated by earth packed down in between. The interior walls and ceilings were lined with roofing paper. The floors were covered with tin-plated sheet metal, the same material used for the roof. Solid wooden doors were insulated with rubber and bolted from the outside by heavy cross-bars. 
According to Stangl, a train transport of about 3,000 people could be "processed" in three hours. In a 14-hour workday, 12,000 to 15,000 people were killed.  After the new gas chambers were built, the duration of the killing process was reduced to an hour and a half.  The victims were gassed to death with the exhaust fumes conducted through pipes from an engine of a Red Army tank. [j]  SS-Scharführer Erich Fuchs was responsible for installing it.   The engine was brought in by the SS at the time of the camp's construction and housed in a room with a generator that supplied the camp with electricity.  The tank engine exhaust pipe ran just below the ground and opened into all three gas chambers.  The fumes could be seen seeping out. After about 20 minutes the bodies were removed by dozens of Sonderkommandos, placed onto carts and wheeled away. The system was imperfect and required a lot of effort  trains that arrived later in the day had to wait on layover tracks overnight at Treblinka, Małkinia, or Wólka Okrąglik. 
Between August and September 1942, a large new building with a concrete foundation was built from bricks and mortar under the guidance of Action T4 euthanasia expert Erwin Lambert. It contained 8–10 gas chambers, each of which was 8 metres by 4 metres (26 ft by 13 ft), and it had a corridor in the centre. Stangl supervised its construction and brought in building materials from the nearby village of Małkinia by dismantling factory stock.  During this time victims continued to arrive daily and were led naked past the building site to the original gas chambers.  The new gas chambers became operational after five weeks of construction, equipped with two fume-producing engines instead of one.  The metal doors, which had been taken from Soviet military bunkers around Białystok, had portholes through which it was possible to observe the dead before removing them.   Stangl said that the old death chambers were capable of killing 3,000 people in three hours.  The new ones had the highest possible "output" of any gas chambers in the three Reinhard death camps and could kill up to 22,000  or 25,000  people every day, a fact which Globocnik once boasted about to Kurt Gerstein, a fellow SS officer from Disinfection Services.  The new gas chambers were seldom used to their full capacity 12,000–15,000 victims remained the daily average. 
The killing process at Treblinka differed significantly from the method used at Auschwitz and Majdanek, where the poison gas Zyklon B (hydrogen cyanide) was used. At Treblinka, Sobibór, and Bełżec, the victims died from suffocation and carbon monoxide poisoning from engine exhaust in stationary gas chambers. At Chełmno, they were carried within two specially equipped and engineered trucks, driven at a scientifically calculated speed so as to kill the Jews inside it during the trip, rather than force the drivers and guards to kill at the destination. After visiting Treblinka on a guided tour, Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höss concluded that using exhaust gas was inferior to the cyanide used at his extermination camp.  The chambers became silent after 12 minutes  and were closed for 20 minutes or less.  According to Jankiel Wiernik, who survived the 1943 prisoner uprising and escaped, when the doors of the gas chambers had been opened, the bodies of the dead were standing and kneeling rather than lying down, due to the severe overcrowding. Dead mothers embraced the bodies of their children.  Prisoners who worked in the Sonderkommandos later testified that the dead frequently let out a last gasp of air when they were extracted from the chambers.  Some victims showed signs of life during the disposal of the corpses, but the guards routinely refused to react. 
The Germans became aware of the political danger associated with the mass burial of corpses in April 1943, when they discovered the graves of Polish victims of the 1940 Katyn massacre carried out by the Soviets near Smolensk. The bodies of the 10,000 Polish officers executed by the NKVD were well preserved despite their long burial.  The Germans formed the Katyn Commission to prove that the Soviets were solely responsible, and used radio broadcast and newsfilm to alert the Allies to this war crime.  Subsequently, the Nazi leadership, concerned about covering up their own crimes, issued the secret orders to exhume the corpses buried at death camps and burn them instead. The cremations began shortly after Himmler's visit to the camp in late February or early March 1943. 
To incinerate bodies, there were large cremation pits constructed at Camp 3 within Treblinka II. [k] The burning pyres were used to cremate the new corpses along with the old ones, which had to be dug up as they had been buried during the first six months of the camp's operation. Built under the instructions of Herbert Floß, the camp's cremation expert, the pits consisted of railroad rails laid as grates on blocks of concrete. The bodies were placed on rails over wood, splashed with petrol, and burned. It was a harrowing sight, according to Jankiel Wiernik, with the bellies of pregnant women exploding from boiling amniotic fluid.   He wrote that "the heat radiating from the pits was maddening."  The bodies burned for five hours, without the ashing of bones. The pyres operated 24 hours a day. Once the system had been perfected, 10,000–12,000 bodies at a time could be incinerated.  
The open air burn pits were located east of the new gas chambers and refuelled from 4 a.m.  (or after 5 a.m. depending on work-load) to 6 p.m. in roughly 5-hour intervals.  The current camp memorial includes a flat grave marker resembling one of them. It is constructed from melted basalt and has a concrete foundation. It is a symbolic grave,  as the Nazis spread the actual human ashes, mixed with sand, over an area of 2.2 ha (5.4 acres). 
The camp was operated by 20–25 German and Austrian members of the SS-Totenkopfverbände and 80–120 Wachmänner ("watchmen") guards who had been trained at a special SS facility in the Trawniki concentration camp near Lublin, Poland all Wachmänner guards were trained at Trawniki. The guards were mainly ethnic German Volksdeutsche from the east and Ukrainians,   with some Russians, Tatars, Moldovans, Latvians, and Central Asians, all of whom had served in the Red Army. They were enlisted by Karl Streibel, the commander of the Trawniki camp, from the prisoner of war (POW) camps for Soviet soldiers.   [l]  The degree to which their recruitment was voluntary remains disputed while conditions in the camps for Soviet POWs were dreadful, some Soviet POWs collaborated with the Germans even before cold, hunger, and disease began devastating the POW camps in mid-September 1941. 
The work at Treblinka was carried out under threat of death by Jewish prisoners organised into specialised work details. At the Camp 2 Auffanglager receiving area each squad had a different coloured triangle.  The triangles made it impossible for new arrivals to try to blend in with members of the work details. The blue unit (Kommando Blau) managed the rail ramp and unlocked the freight wagons. They met the new arrivals, carried out people who had died en route, removed bundles, and cleaned the wagon floors. The red unit (Kommando Rot), which was the largest squad, unpacked and sorted the belongings of victims after they had been "processed". [m] The red unit delivered these belongings to the storage barracks, which were managed by the yellow unit (Kommando Gelb), who separated the items by quality, removed the Star of David from all outer garments, and extracted any money sewn into the linings.  The yellow unit was followed by the Desinfektionskommando, who disinfected the belongings, including sacks of hair from women who had been killed there. The Goldjuden unit ("gold Jews") collected and counted banknotes and evaluated the gold and jewellery. 
A different group of about 300 men, called the Totenjuden ("Jews for the dead"), lived and worked in Camp 3 across from the gas chambers. For the first six months they took the corpses away for burial after gold teeth had been extracted. Once cremation began in early 1943 they took the corpses to the pits, refuelled the pyres, crushed the remaining bones with mallets, and collected the ashes for disposal.  Each trainload of "deportees" brought to Treblinka consisted of an average of sixty heavily guarded wagons. They were divided into three sets of twenty at the layover yard. Each set was processed within the first two hours of backing onto the ramp, and was then made ready by the Sonderkommandos to be exchanged for the next set of twenty wagons. 
Members of all work units were continuously beaten by the guards and often shot.  Replacements were selected from the new arrivals.  There were other work details which had no contact with the transports: the Holzfällerkommando ("woodcutter unit") cut and chopped firewood, and the Tarnungskommando ("disguise unit") camouflaged the structures of the camp. Another work detail was responsible for cleaning the common areas. The Camp 1 Wohnlager residential compound contained barracks for about 700 Sonderkommandos which, when combined with the 300 Totenjuden living across from the gas chambers, brought their grand total to roughly one thousand at a time. 
Many Sonderkommando prisoners hanged themselves at night. Suicides in the Totenjuden barracks occurred at the rate of 15 to 20 per day.  The work crews were almost entirely replaced every few days members of the old work detail were sent to their deaths except for the most resilient. 
In early 1943, an underground Jewish resistance organisation was formed at Treblinka with the goal of seizing control of the camp and escaping to freedom.  The planned revolt was preceded by a long period of secret preparations. The clandestine unit was first organised by a former Jewish captain of the Polish Army, Dr. Julian Chorążycki, who was described by fellow plotter Samuel Rajzman as noble and essential to the action.  His organising committee included Zelomir Bloch (leadership),  Rudolf Masaryk, Marceli Galewski, Samuel Rajzman,  Dr. Irena Lewkowska ("Irka",  from the sick bay for the Hiwis),  Leon Haberman, Chaim Sztajer,  Hershl (Henry) Sperling from Częstochowa, and several others.  Chorążycki (who treated the German patients)  killed himself with poison on 19 April 1943 when faced with imminent capture,  so that the Germans could not discover the plot by torturing him.  The next leader was another former Polish Army officer, Dr. Berek Lajcher, [n] who arrived on 1 May. Born in Częstochowa, he had practised medicine in Wyszków and was expelled by the Nazis to Wegrów in 1939. 
The initial date of the revolt was set for 15 June 1943, but it had to be postponed.  A fighter smuggled a grenade in one of the early May trains carrying captured rebels from the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising,  which had begun on 19 April 1943. When he detonated it in the undressing area, the SS and guards were thrown into a panic.  After the explosion, Treblinka received only about 7,000 Jews from the capital for fear of similar incidents  the remaining 42,000 Warsaw Jews were deported to Majdanek, instead.  The burning of unearthed corpses continued at full speed until the end of July.  The Treblinka II conspirators became increasingly concerned about their future as the amount of work for them began to decline.  With fewer transports arriving, they realised "they were next in line for the gas chambers."  
Day of the revolt and survivors
The uprising was launched on the hot summer day of 2 August 1943 (Monday, a regular day of rest from gassing), when a group of Germans and 40 Ukrainians drove off to the River Bug to swim.  The conspirators silently unlocked the door to the arsenal near the train tracks, with a key that had been duplicated earlier.  They had stolen 20–25 rifles, 20 hand grenades, and several pistols,  and delivered them in a cart to the gravel work detail. At 3:45 p.m., 700 Jews launched an insurgency that lasted for 30 minutes.  They set buildings ablaze, exploded a tank of petrol, and set fire to the surrounding structures. A group of armed Jews attacked the main gate, and others attempted to climb the fence. Machine-gun fire from about 25 Germans and 60 Ukrainian Trawnikis resulted in near-total slaughter. Lajcher was killed along with most of the insurgents. About 200 Jews   escaped from the camp. [o] Half of them were killed after a chase in cars and on horses.  The Jews did not cut the phone wires,  and Stangl called in hundreds of German reinforcements,  who arrived from four different towns and set up roadblocks along the way.  Partisans of the Armia Krajowa (Polish: Home Army) transported some of the surviving escapees across the river  and others like Sperling ran 30 kilometres (19 miles) and were then helped and fed by Polish villagers.  Of those who broke through, around 70 are known to have survived until the end of the war,  including the future authors of published Treblinka memoirs: Richard Glazar, Chil Rajchman, Jankiel Wiernik, and Samuel Willenberg. 
Among the Jewish prisoners who escaped after setting fire to the camp, there were two 19-year-olds, Samuel Willenberg and Kalman Taigman, who had both arrived in 1942 and had been forced to work there under the threat of death. Taigman died in 2012 [p] and Willenberg in 2016.  Taigman stated of his experience, "It was hell, absolutely hell. A normal man cannot imagine how a living person could have lived through it – killers, natural-born killers, who without a trace of remorse just murdered every little thing."  Willenberg and Taigman emigrated to Israel after the war and devoted their last years to retelling the story of Treblinka. [q]   Escapees Hershl Sperling and Richard Glazar both suffered from survivor guilt syndrome and eventually killed themselves.  Chaim Sztajer, who was 34 at the time of the uprising, had survived 11 months as a Sonderkommando in Treblinka II and was instrumental in the coordination of the uprising between the two camps.  Following his escape in the uprising, Sztajer survived for over a year in the forest before the liberation of Poland. Following the war, he migrated to Israel and then to Melbourne, Australia where later in life he constructed from memory a model of Treblinka which is currently displayed at the Jewish Holocaust Centre in Melbourne. 
After the uprising
After the revolt, Stangl met the head of Operation Reinhard, Odilo Globocnik, and inspector Christian Wirth in Lublin, and decided not to draft a report, as no native Germans had died putting down the revolt.  Stangl wanted to rebuild the camp, but Globocnik told him it would be closed down shortly and Stangl would be transferred to Trieste to help fight the partisans there. The Nazi high command may have felt that Stangl, Globocnik, Wirth, and other Reinhard personnel knew too much and wanted to dispose of them by sending them to the front.  With almost all the Jews from the German ghettos (established in Poland) killed, there would have been little point in rebuilding the facility.  Auschwitz had enough capacity to fulfil the Nazis' remaining extermination needs, rendering Treblinka redundant. 
The camp's new commandant Kurt Franz, formerly its deputy commandant, took over in August. After the war he testified that gassings had stopped by then.  In reality, despite the extensive damage to the camp, the gas chambers were intact, and the killing of Polish Jews continued. Speed was reduced, with only ten wagons rolled onto the ramp at a time, while the others had to wait.  The last two rail transports of Jews were brought to the camp for gassing from the Białystok Ghetto on 18 and 19 August 1943.  They consisted of 76 wagons (37 the first day and 39 the second), according to a communiqué published by the Office of Information of the Armia Krajowa, based on observation of Holocaust trains passing through the village of Treblinka.   The 39 wagons that came to Treblinka on 19 August 1943 were carrying at least 7,600 survivors of the Białystok Ghetto Uprising. 
On 19 October 1943, Operation Reinhard was terminated by a letter from Odilo Globocnik. The following day, a large group of Jewish Arbeitskommandos who had worked on dismantling the camp structures over the previous few weeks were loaded onto the train and transported, via Siedlce and Chełm, to Sobibór to be gassed on 20 October 1943.  Franz followed Globocnik and Stangl to Trieste in November. Clean-up operations continued over the winter. As part of these operations, Jews from the surviving work detail dismantled the gas chambers brick-by-brick and used them to erect a farmhouse on the site of the camp's former bakery. Globocnik confirmed its purpose as a secret guard post for a Nazi-Ukrainian agent to remain behind the scenes, in a letter he sent to Himmler from Trieste on 5 January 1944.  A Hiwi guard called Oswald Strebel, a Ukrainian Volksdeutscher (ethnic German), was given permission to bring his family from Ukraine for "reasons of surveillance", wrote Globocnik Strebel had worked as a guard at Treblinka II.  He was instructed to tell visitors that he had been farming there for decades, but the local Poles were well aware of the existence of the camp. 
SS-Obersturmführer Irmfried Eberl was appointed the camp's first commandant on 11 July 1942. He was a psychiatrist from Bernburg Euthanasia Centre and the only physician-in-chief to command an extermination camp during World War II.  According to some, his poor organisational skills caused the operation of Treblinka to turn disastrous others point out that the number of transports that were coming in reflected the Nazi high command's wildly unrealistic expectations of Treblinka's ability to "process" these prisoners.  The early gassing machinery frequently broke down due to overuse, forcing the SS to shoot Jews assembled for suffocation. The workers did not have enough time to bury them, and the mass graves were overflowing.  According to the testimony of his colleague Unterscharführer Hans Hingst, Eberl's ego and thirst for power exceeded his ability: "So many transports arrived that the disembarkation and gassing of the people could no longer be handled."   On incoming Holocaust trains to Treblinka, many of the Jews locked inside correctly guessed what was going to happen to them.  The odour of decaying corpses could be smelled up to 10 kilometres (6.2 miles) away. 
Oskar Berger, a Jewish eyewitness, one of about 100 people who escaped during the 1943 uprising, told of the camp's state when he arrived there in August 1942:
When we were unloaded, we noticed a paralysing view – all over the place there were hundreds of human bodies. Piles of packages, clothes, suitcases, everything in a mess. German and Ukrainian SS-men stood at the corners of the barracks and were shooting blindly into the crowd. 
When Globocnik made a surprise visit to Treblinka on 26 August 1942 with Christian Wirth and Wirth's adjutant from Bełżec, Josef Oberhauser, Eberl was dismissed on the spot.  Among the reasons for dismissal were: incompetently disposing of the tens of thousands of dead bodies, using inefficient methods of killing, and not properly concealing the mass killing. Eberl was transferred to Berlin, closer to operational headquarters in Hitler's Chancellery,  where the main architect of the Holocaust, Heinrich Himmler, had just stepped up the pace of the programme.   Globocnik assigned Wirth to remain in Treblinka temporarily to help clean up the camp.  On 28 August 1942, Globocnik suspended deportations. He chose Franz Stangl, who had previously been the commandant of the Sobibór extermination camp, to assume command of the camp as Eberl's successor. Stangl had a reputation as a competent administrator with a good understanding of the project's objectives, and Globocnik trusted that he would be capable of resuming control. 
Stangl arrived at Treblinka in late August 1942. He replaced Eberl on 1 September. Years later, Stangl described what he first saw when he came on the scene, in a 1971 interview with Gitta Sereny: 
The road ran alongside the railway. When we were about fifteen, twenty minutes' drive from Treblinka, we began to see corpses by the line, first just two or three, then more, and as we drove into Treblinka station, there were what looked like hundreds of them – just lying there – they'd obviously been there for days, in the heat. In the station was a train full of Jews, some dead, some still alive . that too, looked as if it had been there for days. 
Stangl reorganised the camp, and the transports of Warsaw and Radom Jews began to arrive again on 3 September 1942.  According to Israeli historian Yitzhak Arad, Stangl wanted the camp to look attractive, so he ordered the paths paved in the Wohnlager administrative compound. Flowers were planted along Seidel Straße as well as near the SS living quarters.  He ordered that all arriving prisoners should be greeted by the SS with a verbal announcement translated by the working Jews.  The deportees were told that they were at a transit point on the way to Ukraine.  Some of their questions were answered by Germans wearing lab coats as tools for deception.  At times Stangl carried a whip and wore a white uniform, so he was nicknamed the "White Death" by prisoners. Although he was directly responsible for the camp's operations, according to his own testimony Stangl limited his contact with Jewish prisoners as much as possible. He claimed that he rarely interfered with the cruel acts perpetrated by his subordinate officers at the camp.  He became desensitised to the killings, and came to perceive prisoners not as humans but merely as "cargo" that had to be destroyed, he said. 
According to postwar testimonies, when transports were temporarily halted, then-deputy commandant Kurt Franz wrote lyrics to a song meant to celebrate the Treblinka extermination camp. In reality, prisoner Walter Hirsch wrote them for him. The melody came from something Franz remembered from Buchenwald. The music was upbeat, in the key of D major. The song was taught to Jews assigned to work in the Sonderkommando.  They were forced to memorise it by nightfall of their first day at the camp.   Unterscharführer Franz Suchomel recalled the lyrics as follows: "We know only the word of the Commander. / We know only obedience and duty. / We want to keep working, working, / until a bit of luck beckons us some time. Hurray!" 
A musical ensemble was formed, under duress, by Artur Gold, a popular Jewish prewar composer from Warsaw. He arranged the theme to the Treblinka song for the 10-piece prisoner orchestra which he conducted. Gold arrived in Treblinka in 1942 and played music in the SS mess hall at the Wohnlager on German orders. He died during the uprising. 
After the Treblinka revolt in August 1943, and termination of Operation Reinhard in October 1943, Stangl went with Globocnik to Trieste in northern Italy where SS reinforcements were needed.  The third and last Treblinka II commandant was Kurt Franz, nicknamed "Lalka" by the prisoners (Polish: the doll) because he had "an innocent face".  According to survivor testimonies, Franz shot and beat prisoners to death for minor infractions or had his dog Barry tear them to pieces.  He managed Treblinka II until November 1943. The subsequent clean-up of the Treblinka II perimeter was completed by prisoners of nearby Treblinka I Arbeitslager in the following months. Franz's deputy was Hauptscharführer Fritz Küttner, who maintained a network of informers among the prisoners and did the hands-on killings. 
Kurt Franz maintained a photo album against orders never to take photographs inside Treblinka. He named it Schöne Zeiten ("Good Times"). His album is a rare source of images illustrating the mechanised grave digging, brickworks in Małkinia and the Treblinka zoo, among others. Franz was careful not to photograph the gas chambers. 
The Treblinka I gravel mine functioned at full capacity under the command of Theodor van Eupen until July 1944, with new forced labourers sent to him by Kreishauptmann Ernst Gramss from Sokołów.  The mass shootings continued into 1944.  With Soviet troops closing in, the last 300 to 700 prisoners disposing of the incriminating evidence were executed by Trawnikis in late July 1944, long after the camp's official closure.   Strebel, the ethnic German who had been installed in the farmhouse built in place of the camp's original bakery using bricks from the gas chambers, set fire to the building and fled to avoid capture. 
In late July 1944, Soviet forces began to approach from the east. The departing Germans, who had already destroyed most direct evidence of genocidal intent, burned surrounding villages to the ground, including 761 buildings in Poniatowo, Prostyń, and Grądy. Many families were killed.  The fields of grain that had once fed the SS were burned.  On 19 August 1944, German forces blew up the church in Prostyń and its bell tower, the last defensive strongpoint against the Red Army in the area.  When the Soviets entered Treblinka on 16 August, the extermination zone had been levelled, ploughed over, and planted with lupins.   What remained, wrote visiting Soviet war correspondent Vasily Grossman, were small pieces of bone in the soil, human teeth, scraps of paper and fabric, broken dishes, jars, shaving brushes, rusted pots and pans, cups of all sizes, mangled shoes, and lumps of human hair.  The road leading to the camp was pitch black. Until mid-1944 human ashes (up to 20 carts every day) had been regularly strewn by the remaining prisoners along the road for 2 kilometres (1.2 miles) in the direction of Treblinka I.  When the war ended, destitute and starving locals started walking up the Black Road (as they began to call it) in search of man-made nuggets shaped from melted gold in order to buy bread. 
Early attempts at preservation
The new Soviet-installed government did not preserve evidence of the camp. The scene was not legally protected at the conclusion of World War II. In September 1947, 30 students from the local school, led by their teacher Feliks Szturo and priest Józef Ruciński, collected larger bones and skull fragments into farmers' wicker baskets and buried them in a single mound.  The same year the first remembrance committee Komitet Uczczenia Ofiar Treblinki (KUOT Committee for the Remembrance of the Victims of Treblinka) formed in Warsaw, and launched a design competition for the memorial. 
Stalinist officials allocated no funding for the design competition nor for the memorial, and the committee disbanded in 1948 by then many survivors had left the country. In 1949, the town of Sokołów Podlaski protected the camp with a new fence and gate. A work crew with no archaeological experience was sent in to landscape the grounds. In 1958, after the end of Stalinism in Poland, the Warsaw provincial council declared Treblinka to be a place of martyrology. [b] Over the next four years, 127 hectares (318 acres) of land that had formed part of the camp was purchased from 192 farmers in the villages of Prostyń, Grądy, Wólka Okrąglik and Nowa Maliszewa. 
Construction of the memorial
The construction of a monument 8 metres (26 ft) tall designed by sculptor Franciszek Duszeńko was inaugurated on 21 April 1958 with the laying of the cornerstone at the site of the former gas chambers. The sculpture represents the trend toward large avant-garde forms introduced in the 1960s throughout Europe, with a granite tower cracked down the middle and capped by a mushroom-like block carved with abstract reliefs and Jewish symbols.  Treblinka was declared a national monument of martyrology on 10 May 1964 during an official ceremony attended by 30,000 people. [r]  The monument was unveiled by Zenon Kliszko, the Marshal of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland, in the presence of survivors of the Treblinka uprising from Israel, France, Czechoslovakia and Poland. The camp custodian's house (built nearby in 1960) [s] was turned into an exhibition space following the collapse of communism in Poland in 1989 and the retirement of the custodian it opened in 2006. It was later expanded and made into a branch of the Siedlce Regional Museum.  
There are many estimates of the total number of people killed at Treblinka most scholarly estimates range from 700,000 to 900,000,   meaning that more Jews died at Treblinka than at any other Nazi extermination camp apart from Auschwitz.  The Treblinka museum in Poland states that at least 800,000 people died at Treblinka  Yad Vashem, which is Israel's Holocaust museum, puts the number killed at 870,000 and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum gives a range of 870,000 to 925,000. 
The first estimate of the number of people killed at Treblinka came from Vasily Grossman, a Soviet war reporter who visited Treblinka in July 1944 as the Soviet forces marched westward across Poland. He published an article called "The Hell Called Treblinka", which appeared in the November 1944 issue of Znamya, a monthly Russian literary magazine.  In the article he claimed that 3 million people had been killed at Treblinka. He may not have been aware that the short station platform at Treblinka II greatly reduced the number of wagons that could be unloaded at one time,  and may have been adhering to the Soviet trend of exaggerating Nazi crimes for propaganda purposes.  In 1947 the Polish historian Zdzisław Łukaszkiewicz estimated the death count as 780,000,   based on the accepted record of 156 transports with an average of 5,000 prisoners each. 
Court exhibits and affidavits
The Treblinka trials of the 1960s took place in Düsseldorf and produced the two official West German estimates. During the 1965 trial of Kurt Franz, the Court of Assize in Düsseldorf concluded that at least 700,000 people were killed at Treblinka, following a report by Dr. Helmut Krausnick, director of the Institute of Contemporary History.  During Franz Stangl's trial in 1969 the same court reassessed the number to be at least 900,000 after new evidence from Dr. Wolfgang Scheffler.  
A chief witness for the prosecution at Düsseldorf in the 1965, 1966, 1968 and 1970 trials was Franciszek Ząbecki, who was employed by the Deutsche Reichsbahn as a rail traffic controller at Treblinka village from 22 May 1941.  In 1977 he published his book Old and New Memories,  in which he used his own records to estimate that at least 1,200,000 people died at Treblinka.   His estimate was based on the maximum capacity of a trainset during the Grossaktion Warsaw of 1942 rather than its yearly average.  The original German waybills in his possession did not have the number of prisoners listed.  Ząbecki, a Polish member of railway staff before the war, was one of the few non-German witnesses to see most transports that came into the camp he was present at the Treblinka station when the first Holocaust train arrived from Warsaw.  Ząbecki was a member of the Armia Krajowa (Polish: Home Army), which formed most of the Polish resistance movement in World War II, and kept a daily record of the extermination transports. He also clandestinely photographed the burning Treblinka II perimeter during the uprising in August 1943. Ząbecki witnessed the last set of five enclosed freight wagons carrying Sonderkommandos to the Sobibór gas chambers on 20 October 1943.  In 2013, his son Piotr Ząbecki wrote an article about him for Życie Siedleckie that revised the number to 1,297,000.  Ząbecki's daily records of transports to the camp, and demographic information regarding the number of people deported from each ghetto to Treblinka, were the two main sources for estimates of the death toll. 
In his 1987 book Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps, Israeli historian Yitzhak Arad stated that at least 763,000 people were killed at Treblinka between July 1942 and April 1943.  A considerable number of other estimates followed: see table (below).
A further source of information became available in 2001. The Höfle Telegram was an encrypted message sent to Berlin on 31 December 1942 by Operation Reinhard deputy commander Hermann Höfle, detailing the number of Jews deported by DRB to each of the Operation Reinhard death camps up to that point. Discovered among declassified documents in Britain, it shows that by the official count of the German Transport Authority 713,555 Jews were sent to Treblinka in 1942.  The number of deaths was probably higher, according to the Armia Krajowa communiqués. [t]  On the basis of the telegram and additional undated German evidence for 1943 listing 67,308 people deported, historian Jacek Andrzej Młynarczyk calculated that by the official DRB count, 780,863 people were brought by Deutsche Reichsbahn to Treblinka. 
Table of estimates
- The information in the rows with an empty last column comes from Dam im imię na wieki, page 114. 
The first official trial for war crimes committed at Treblinka was held in Düsseldorf between 12 October 1964 and 24 August 1965, preceded by the 1951 trial of SS-Scharführer Josef Hirtreiter, which was triggered by charges of war crimes unrelated to his service at the camp. [u]  The trial was delayed because the United States and the Soviet Union had lost interest in prosecuting German war crimes with the onset of the Cold War.  Many of the more than 90,000 Nazi war criminals recorded in German files were serving in positions of prominence under West German chancellor Konrad Adenauer.   In 1964 and 1965 eleven former SS camp personnel were brought to trial by West Germany,  including commandant Kurt Franz. He was sentenced to life imprisonment, along with Artur Matthes (Totenlager) and Willi Mentz and August Miete (both from Lazaret). Gustav Münzberger (gas chambers) received 12 years, Franz Suchomel (gold and money) 7 years, Otto Stadie (operation) 6 years, Erwin Lambert (gas chambers) 4 years, and Albert Rum (Totenlager) 3 years. Otto Horn (corpse detail) was acquitted.  
The second commandant of Treblinka II, Franz Stangl, escaped with his wife and children from Austria to Brazil in 1951. Stangl found work at a Volkswagen factory in São Paulo.  His role in the mass murder of Jews was known to the Austrian authorities, but Austria did not issue a warrant for his arrest until 1961.  Stangl was registered under his real name at the Austrian consulate in Brazil.  It took another six years before Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal tracked him down and triggered his arrest. After his extradition from Brazil to West Germany Stangl was tried for the deaths of around 900,000 people. He admitted to the killings but argued: "My conscience is clear. I was simply doing my duty." Stangl was found guilty on 22 October 1970, and sentenced to life imprisonment. He died of heart failure in prison in Düsseldorf on 28 June 1971. 
The theft of cash and valuables, collected from the victims of gassing, was conducted by the higher-ranking SS men on an enormous scale. It was a common practice among the concentration camps' top echelon everywhere two Majdanek concentration camp commandants, Koch and Florstedt, were tried and executed by the SS for the same offence in April 1945.  When the top-ranking officers went home, they would sometimes request a private locomotive from Klinzman and Emmerich [v] at the Treblinka station to transport their personal "gifts" to Małkinia for a connecting train. Then, they would drive out of the camp in cars without any incriminating evidence on their person, and later arrive at Małkinia to transfer the goods.  [w]
The overall amount of material gain by Nazi Germany is unknown except for the period between 22 August and 21 September 1942, when there were 243 wagons of goods sent and recorded.  Globocnik delivered a written tally to Reinhard headquarters on 15 December 1943 with the SS profit of ℛℳ 178,745,960.59, including 2,909.68 kilograms (93,548 ozt) of gold, 18,733.69 kilograms (602,302 ozt) of silver (41,300 lb), 1,514 kilograms (48,700 ozt) of platinum, and 249,771.50 American dollars,  as well as 130 diamond solitaires, 2,511.87 carats (502 grams) of brilliants, 13,458.62 carats (2.7 kg) of diamonds, and 114 kilograms (251 lb) of pearls. The amount of loot Globocnik stole is unknown Suchomel claimed in court to have filled a box with one million Reichsmarks for him. 
Neither the Jewish religious leaders in Poland nor the authorities allowed archaeological excavations at the camp out of respect for the dead. Approval for a limited archaeological study was issued for the first time in 2010 to a British team from Staffordshire University using non-invasive technology and Lidar remote sensing. The soil resistance was analysed at the site with ground-penetrating radar.  Features that appeared to be structural were found, two of which were thought to be the remains of the gas chambers, and the study was allowed to continue. 
The archaeological team performing the search discovered three new mass graves. The remains were reinterred out of respect for the victims. At the second dig the findings included yellow tiles stamped with a pierced mullet star resembling a Star of David, and building foundations with a wall. The star was soon identified as the logo of Polish ceramics factory manufacturing floor tiles, founded by Jan Dziewulski and brothers Józef and Władysław Lange (Dziewulski i Lange – D✡L since 1886), nationalised and renamed under communism after the war.   As explained by forensic archaeologist Caroline Sturdy Colls, the new evidence was important because the second gas chambers built at Treblinka were housed in the only brick building in the camp Colls claimed that this provides the first physical evidence for their existence. In his memoir describing his stay in the camp, survivor Jankiel Wiernik says that the floor in the gas chambers (which he helped build) was made of similar tiles.  The discoveries became a subject of the 2014 documentary by the Smithsonian Channel.  More forensic work has been planned. 
Treblinka museum receives most visitors per day during the annual March of the Living educational programme which brings young people from around the world to Poland, to explore the remnants of the Holocaust. The visitors whose primary destination is the march at Auschwitz II-Birkenau, visit Treblinka in the preceding days. In 2009, 300 Israeli students attended the ceremony led by Eli Shaish from the Ministry of Education.  In total 4,000 international students visited.  In 2013 the number of students who came, ahead of the Auschwitz commemorations, was 3,571. In 2014, 1,500 foreign students visited. 
|Name||Rank||Function and Notes||Citation|
|Operation Reinhard leadership|
|Odilo Globocnik||SS-Hauptsturmführer and SS-Polizeiführer at the time (captain and SS Police Chief)||head of Operation Reinhard|| |
|Hermann Höfle||SS-Hauptsturmführer (captain)||coordinator of Operation Reinhard|||
|Christian Wirth||SS-Hauptsturmführer at the time (captain)||inspector for Operation Reinhard|||
|Richard Thomalla||SS-Obersturmführer at the time (first lieutenant)||head of death camp construction during Operation Reinhard|| |
|Erwin Lambert||SS-Unterscharführer (corporal)||head of gas chamber construction during Operation Reinhard (large gas chambers)|| |
|Theodor van Eupen||SS-Sturmbannführer (major), Commandant of Treblinka I Arbeitslager, 15 November 1941 – July 1944 (cleanup)||head of the forced-labour camp|||
|Irmfried Eberl||SS-Obersturmführer (first lieutenant), Commandant of Treblinka II , 11 July 1942 – 26 August 1942||transferred to Berlin due to incompetence|||
|Franz Stangl||SS-Obersturmführer (first lieutenant), 2nd Commandant of Treblinka II , 1 September 1942 – August 1943||transferred to Treblinka from Sobibor extermination camp|||
|Kurt Franz||SS-Untersturmführer (second lieutenant), last Commandant of Treblinka II , August (gassing) – November 1943||promoted from deputy commandant in August 1943 following camp prisoner revolt|| |
|Karl Pötzinger||SS-Oberscharführer (staff sergeant), Deputy commandant of Treblinka II||head of cremation|||
|Heinrich Matthes||SS-Scharführer (sergeant), Deputy commandant||chief of the extermination area||  |
- ^ Yitzhak Arad gives his name as Jacob Wiernik. 
- ^ ab "Place of martyrology" is a calque borrowed from the popular Polish phrase "Miejsce Martyrologii Żydów", which was introduced by the Act of Parliament (Sejm) on 2 July 1947 in Warsaw. 
- ^Wehrmacht is German for "Defence Force". It was the name of the armed forces of Germany from 1935 to 1945.
- ^ The operation was named in honour of Reinhard Heydrich, Himmler's deputy and predecessor as head of the Reich Security Main Office. Heydrich died in a Czech hospital, a few days after being wounded in an attack by members of the Czech resistance on 27 May 1942. 
- ^ All three Reinhard camps (Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka) were built in rural forest complexes of the General Government to hide their existence and complete the illusion that they were transit points for deportations to the east. 
- ^Lapanka is Polish for "roundup" and in this situation refers to the widespread German practice of capturing non-German civilians ambushed at random. 
- ^ The order was reversed by Yankel (Jankiel) Wiernik in his book A Year in Treblinka (1945) he named the receiving area of Treblinka II as Camp 1, and the gassing zone (where he worked) as Camp 2. 
- ^ The ß, called Eszett or scharfes s ("sharp s") in German, is roughly equivalent to ss.
- ^ The Deutsche Reichsbahn, (German Reich Railway  or German Imperial Railway,  ) was the German national railway created from the railways of the individual states of the German Empire following the end of World War I.
- ^ Witnesses who had closer experiences to the actual gassing engine share a large agreement that they were run by gasoline/petrol, while those witnesses with only an indirect hearsay knowledge of the engine were more likely to identify it as diesel. 
Water pipes that conducted the poisonous gas to the shower heads ran along the ceiling creating the illusion of a shower as in the simulated shower rooms. In Sobibor and Treblinka they applied the same system to produce carbon monoxide using heavy gasoline engines.  
- ^ abWebb & Chocholatý 2014, p. 20.
- ^ abArad 1987, p. 37.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 125.
- ^Arad 1987, p. 209.
- ^ abcdWiernik 1945.
- ^Sereny 2013, p. 151.
- ^ ab Roca, Xavier (2010). "Comparative Efficacy of the Extermination Methods in Auschwitz and Operation Reinhard" (PDF) . Equip Revista HMiC (Història Moderna i Contemporània). University of Barcelona. 8. p. 204 (4/15 in current document).
- ^ abcdefghiKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 114.
- ^ ab
- Huttenbach, Henry R. (1991). "The Romani Porajmos: The Nazi Genocide of Europe's Gypsies". Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity. Routledge: 380–381. doi:10.1080/00905999108408209.
- ^ abc
- Berenbaum, Michael. "Treblinka". Encyclopædia Britannica. Chicago: Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
- ^Browning 2017, pp. 52, 77, 79, 80.
- ^ abWebb & Chocholatý 2014, p. 90.
- ^ ab
- Maranda, Michał (2002). Prisoners of the extermination camp in Treblinka [Więźniowie obozu zagłady w Treblince] (PDF) . Nazistowskie Obozy Zagłady. Opis i próba analizy zjawiska (in Polish). University of Warsaw, Instytut Stosowanych Nauk Społecznych. pp. 160–161. OCLC52658491. Archived from the original on 21 September 2013 . Retrieved 7 January 2018 – via Internet Archive, direct download. CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
- ^ abcdeCywiński 2013.
- ^Webb & Chocholatý 2014, pp. 153, 370.
- ^ abcdRees 2005, BBC.
- ^ abWeinfeld 2013, p. 43.
- ^ abcdeKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 110.
- ^ ab
- Śląski, Jerzy (1990). VII. Pod Gwiazdą Dawida [Under the Star of David] (PDF) . Polska Walcząca, Vol. IV: Solidarni (in Polish). PAX, Warsaw. pp. 8–9. ISBN83-01-04946-4 . Retrieved 15 August 2013 .
- ^ abc
- Easton, Adam (4 August 2013), Treblinka survivor recalls suffering and resistance, BBC News, Treblinka, Poland
- ^Grossman 1946, p. 405.
- ^ abcKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 122.
- ^ ab
- "Treblinka Museum of Struggle and Martyrdom". Memorial Museums.org. Portal to European Sites of Remembrance. 2013 . Retrieved 14 September 2013 .
- ^ abc
- Kopówka, Edward (4 February 2010). "The Memorial". Treblinka. Nigdy wiecej, Siedlce 2002, pp. 5–54. Muzeum Walki i Męczeństwa w Treblince. Oddział Muzeum Regionalnego w Siedlcach [Museum of Struggle and Martyrdom at Treblinka. Division of the Regional Museum in Siedlce] . Retrieved 31 October 2013 .
- Trunk, Isaiah (2006). Establishment of the Ghetto. Łódź Ghetto: A History. Indiana University Press. pp. 9–10. ISBN0253347556 .
- ^ ab
- Laqueur, Walter Tydor Baumel, Judith (2001). The Holocaust Encyclopedia. Yale University Press. pp. 260–262. ISBN0300138113 . See also:
- Friedman, Philip (January 1954). "The Jewish Ghettos of the Nazi Era". Jewish Social Studies. Indiana University Press. 16 (1): 76–85. JSTOR4465209.
- Gerlach, Christian (December 1998). "The Wannsee Conference, the Fate of German Jews, and Hitler's Decision in Principle to Exterminate All European Jews" (PDF) . Journal of Modern History. Chicago: University of Chicago. 70 (4): 811–812. doi:10.1086/235167. S2CID143904500.
- ^Arad 1987, pp. 20, 31.
- Yahil, Leni (1991). The Holocaust: The Fate of European Jewry, 1932-1945. Oxford University Press. p. 270. ISBN0195045238 .
- Arad, Yitzhak (1999). Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka . Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. p. 37. ISBN0-25321305-3 .
- ^ ab
- Yad Vashem (2013). "Aktion Reinhard" (PDF) . Shoah Resource Center, The International School for Holocaust Studies. pp. 1–2 . Retrieved 16 June 2015 .
- Golden, Juliet (January–February 2003). "Remembering Chelmno". Archaeology. Archaeological Institute of America. 56 (1): 50.
- Yad Vashem (2013). "Chelmno" (PDF) . Holocaust. Shoah Resource Center . Retrieved 21 August 2013 .
- ^ ab
- Arad, Yitzhak (1984), "Operation Reinhard: Extermination Camps of Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka" (PDF) , Yad Vashem Studies XVI, pp. 205–239 (12–25 of 30 in current document), Internet Archive: direct download, 108 KB., archived from the original (PDF) on 18 March 2009
- ^Hilberg 2003, pp. 942, 955, Bunker I and II.
- Fischel, Jack R. (17 July 2010). Historical Dictionary of the Holocaust. Scarecrow Press. p. 99. ISBN978-0-8108-7485-5 . Retrieved 3 September 2013 .
- ^Miller 2006, p. 401.
- "Trial of Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem: Judgment Part 17". phdn.org . Retrieved 26 August 2020 .
- ^Levy 2002, pp. 684,686.
- Burleigh, Michael (1991). "Racism as Social Policy: the Nazi Euthanasia Program, 1939–1945". Ethnic and Racial Studies. Routledge. 14 (4): 453–73. doi:10.1080/01419870.1991.9993722. PMID11652073.
- ^Evans 2008, p. 306.
- ^ abcde
- Holocaust Encyclopedia (10 June 2013). "Treblinka". United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Archived from the original (Internet Archive) on 3 May 2012 . Retrieved 16 August 2013 .
- ^ abcArad 1987, p. 247.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 35.
- ^ abUnited States Department of Justice 1994: Appendix 3: 144.
- ^Arad 1987, pp. 27, 84.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 76.
- Einwohner, Rachael L. (November 2003). "Opportunity, Honor, and Action in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 1943". American Journal of Sociology. The University of Chicago Press. 109 (3): 657. doi:10.1086/379528. S2CID142845298.
- Webb, Chris (4 September 2006). "Mapping Treblinka". Treblinka Camp History. Death Camps.org . Retrieved 12 August 2013 .
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 405.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 74.
- ^ abcKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 36.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 49, 56.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 74, Summary.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 368–369,380.
- ^ Ron Jeffery, "Red Runs the Vistula", Nevron Associates Publ., Manurewa, Auckland, New Zealand, 1985.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 35–57.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 44, 74.
- ^Wiernik 1945, chapt. 10.
- ^ abcdeKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 77, chapt. 3:1.
- "Adam Czerniakow and His Diary". Holocaust Research Project . Retrieved 17 April 2017 .
- ^Evans 2008, p. 289.
- Władysław Piecyk Wanda Wierzchowska, eds. (18 May 2006). Treblinka II. Nadbużanskim Szlakiem. Wybór publikacji o regionie. Biblioteka Regionalna Sokołowskiego Towarzystwa Społeczno-Kulturalnego. ISBN83-906213-1-2 . Archived from the original on 14 December 2008 – via Internet Archive. CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 78, section 2.
- ^ abcKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 79–80.
- National Archives (2014), Aerial Photos, Washington, D.C., Made available at the Mapping Treblinka webpage by ARC.
- ^ abcdefgSmith 2010.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 80, section 3.
- ^ abcd
- Ministry of State Security of Ukraine (2 April 1948), Testimony of Aleksandr Yeger, The Nizkor Project , retrieved 22 August 2013 , Excerpt from report of interrogation.
- ^Webb & Chocholatý 2014, pp. 28–29.
- ^Levy 2002, p. 342.
- ^ abcdKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 100.
- ^Webb 2014, pp. 23–24.
- ^ abcdefKlee 1988, p. 246.
- Various authors (23 September 2006). "The Treblinka Perpetrators". An overview of the German and Austrian SS and Police Staff. Aktion Reinhard Camps ARC . Retrieved 1 November 2013 . Sources: Arad, Donat, Glazar, Klee, Sereny, Willenberg et al.
- ^Arad 1987, pp. 122, 194.
- ^ abcdefKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 82.
- ^ abcWebb & Lisciotto 2007.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 89.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 83.
- ^ abcKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 84.
- ^ abc
- Webb, Chris (27 August 2006). "Treblinka Camp History". Encyclopaedia of The Holocaust. ARC . Retrieved 24 August 2013 .
- ^Grossman 1946, p. 379.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 81.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 94.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 92.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 98.
- ^ ab
- Holocaust Encyclopedia (10 June 2013). "Warsaw Ghetto Uprising". US Holocaust Memorial Museum. Archived from the original on 2 May 2012 . Retrieved 25 August 2013 .
- ^Court of Assizes 1965, excerpts.
- Antoni Bochen (2015). "Okupacja 1939–1945". Kolejnictwo polskie: II wojna swiatowa. Urząd Transportu Kolejowego . Retrieved 2 November 2015 .
- ^ abcKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 95: Samuel Rajzman testimony.
- ^ abcFriedländer 2009, p. 432.
- ^ abcdefg
- Holocaust Encyclopedia (10 June 2013). "Treblinka: Chronology". United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Archived from the original (Internet Archive) on 5 June 2012 . Retrieved 9 December 2013 . Deportations from Theresienstadt and Bulgarian-occupied territory among others.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 96–100.
- Holocaust Encyclopedia (11 May 2012). "Deportations to Killing Centers". Holocaust History. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Archived from the original on 17 September 2012 . Retrieved 9 November 2013 .
- ^ ab Lanzmann 1985.
- ^ Zeller, Thomas (2007). Driving Germany: The Landscape of the German Autobahn, 1930–1970, Bergbahn Books, p. 51. 978-1-84545-309-1
- ^Germany's Economy, Currency and Finance: A Study Addressed by Order of the German Government to the Committees of Experts, as Appointed by the Reparations Commission. Zentral-Verlag G. M. B. H., 1924, pp. 4,98,99.
- ^ Anastasiadou, Irene (2011). Constructing Iron Europe: Transnationalism and Railways in the Interbellum, Amsterdam University Press, p. 134. 978-90-5260-392-6
- Comité International de Dachau (1978). Plate 282. p. 137. ISBN3-87490-528-4 . Directive sent to all concentration camp commanders from SS-GruppenführerRichard Glücks in 1942.
- ^Shirer 1981, p. 969, Affidavit (Hoess, Nuremberg).
- ^In the Matter of the Extradition of John DEMJANJUK, A.K.A. John Ivan Demjanjuk, A.K.A. John Ivan Demyanyuk. 603 F. Supp. 1468. (United States District Court, N.D. Ohio, E.D. 1985).
- "Survivor Calls Ivan 'Worst Devil of All Treblinka ' ". AP NEWS . Retrieved 10 November 2019 .
- Zylbersztajn, Malka (15 July 2018). L'Chaim : the exceptional life of Chaim Sztajer. Jewish Holocaust Centre (Elsternwick, Vic.). Elsternwick, Vic. ISBN9780987518866 . OCLC1088425969.
- ^ abArad 1987, p. 120: Stangl trial testimony.
- Harrison, Jonathan Muehlenkamp, Roberto Myers, Jason Romanov, Sergey Terry, Nicholas (December 2011). "The Gassing Engine: Diesel or Gasoline". Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka. Holocaust Denial and Operation Reinhard (1st ed.). p. 316. With optional direct download as a PDF file, 5.3 MB – via Internet Archive.
- Lipstadt, Deborah E. et al. (2017). "Holocaust Denial on Trial". Emory University, Institute for Jewish Studies.
- Cymet, David (2010). History Vs. Apologetics: The Holocaust, the Third Reich, and the Catholic Church. Lexington Books. p. 263. ISBN978-0739132937 .
- Bloxham, Donald (2001). Genocide on Trial: War Crimes Trials and the Formation of Holocaust History and Memory. Oxford University Press. p. 119. ISBN0198208723 . . details [regarding the Holocaust victims] are all accurate. The only inexactitude again involved the methods of murder. [p.119]
- ^Webb 2014, pp. 28–29.
- ^Arad 1987, p. 31: Testimony of SS Scharführer Erich Fuchs in the Sobibór-Bolender trial, Düsseldorf.
- ^ ab
- McVay, Kenneth (1984). "The Construction of the Treblinka Extermination Camp". Yad Vashem Studies, XVI. Jewish Virtual Library.org . Retrieved 3 November 2013 .
- ^ Statistical data: "Glossary of 2,077 Jewish towns in Poland"Archived 8 February 2016 at the Wayback Machine by Virtual Shtetl of the Museum of the History of the Polish Jews , as well as "Getta Żydowskie," by Gedeon, (in Polish) and "Ghetto List" by Michael Peters of ARC. Accessed 8 June 2014.
- ^ ab
- Sumler, David E. (1 January 1973). A history of Europe in the twentieth century. Dorsey Press. p. 250. ISBN0-256-01421-3 . Retrieved 1 November 2013 .
- Ainsztein, Reuben (2008) . Jewish Resistance in Nazi-Occupied Eastern Europe (Google Books snippet view) . University of Michigan (reprint). p. 917. ISBN978-0-236-15490-6 . Retrieved 21 December 2013 .
- Langowski, Jürgen (2013). "Der Gerstein-Bericht" [Gerstein Report by Obersturmführer Kurt Gerstein]. Dokumente zum Nationalsozialismus (in German). NS-Archiv . Retrieved 26 December 2013 . Original text of the Gerstein Report signed at Tübingen (Württemberg), Gartenstraße 24, den 4. Mai 1945. Gerstein betrayed the SS and sought to leak information about the Holocaust to the Allies.
- ^Shirer 1981, pp. 967–968: Affidavit 5 April 1946 (Hoess, Nuremberg).
- ^Klee 1988, p. 244.
- ^ abcdefghRajzman 1945, U.S. Congress.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 102.
- Zawodny, Janusz K. (1962). Death in the Forest: The Story of the Katyn Forest Massacre. University of Notre Dame Press. pp. 15, 77. ISBN978-0-268-00849-9 . Retrieved 19 March 2017 .
- Kużniar-Plota, Małgorzata (30 November 2004). "Decision to commence investigation into Katyn Massacre". Departmental Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation. Archived from the original on 27 October 2012 – via Internet Archive. Cite journal requires |journal= (help) CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
- ^Arad 1987, pp. 300–301.
- ^ ab
- "First Treblinka Trial". Excerpts From Judgments. Operation Reinhard: Treblinka Deportations. 1968 . Retrieved 8 January 2014 . Source: Donat, Alexander (1979), The Death Camp Treblinka: A Documentary, New York, pp. 296–316. Decision of the Düsseldorf County Court (AZ-LG Düsseldorf: II-931638, p. 49 ff.) in translation
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 104–105.
- ^ abWiernik 1945, p. 13.
- ^Wiernik 1945, chapt. 13.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 91.
- Gilbert, Martin (1987). The Holocaust: A History of the Jews of Europe During the Second World War . Henry Holt. ISBN0-8050-0348-7 .
- Procknow, Gregory (2011). Recruiting and Training Genocidal Soldiers. Francis & Bernard Publishing. p. 35. ISBN978-0-9868374-0-1 .
- ^Arad 1987, p. 21.
- ^Willenberg 1989, p. 158.
- ^Browning 2017, p. 52.
- ^Arad 1987, pp. 45–46.
- Black, Peter (Spring 2011). "Foot Soldiers of the Final Solution: The Trawniki Training Camp and Operation Reinhard". Holocaust and Genocide Studies. Oxford University Press. 25 (1): 7. doi:10.1093/hgs/dcr004. S2CID144929340.
- Korherr, Richard (10 April 1943). "Anweisung Himmler an Korherr". Der Reichsführer-SS, Feld-Kommandostelle . Retrieved 2 September 2014 .
- Himmler, Heinrich (2014). " " Special treatment" (Sonderbehandlung)". Holocaust history.org. Archived from the original on 28 May 2013 . Retrieved 2 September 2014 . September 20th, 1939 telegram to Gestapo regional and subregional headquarters on the "basic principles of internal security during the war".
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 103.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 97.
- ^Arad 2018, pp. 249-250.
- ^Arad 2018, p. 149.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 89–91.
- ^Wiernik 1945, Chapter 7.
- ^Arad 2018, pp. 256.
- ^ abc
- Archer, Noah S. et al. (2010). "Alphabetical Listing of [better known] Treblinka Survivors and Victims". Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team H.E.A.R.T . Retrieved 30 August 2013 . Also in:
- The list of Treblinka survivors, with expert commentary in Polish. Muzeum Walki i Męczeństwa w Treblince. 1979. ISBN0896040097 . Source of data:Donat (1979), The death camp Treblinka. New York, pp. 279–291. Archived from the original on 22 September 2013. CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 99.
- ^ abArad 1987, p. 219.
- ^ ab
- Malka, Zylbersztajn (2018). L'Chaim: the exceptional life of Chaim Sztajer. Elsternwick, Victoria: JHC Publishing House. pp. 44–71. ISBN9780987518866 .
- Kopówka, Edward (12 May 2008). "Defiance and Uprising". Treblinka II - Opór i powstanie. Muzeum Walki i Męczeństwa w Treblince [Museum of Struggle and Martyrdom at Treblinka]. Archived from the original on 22 September 2013 . Retrieved 7 January 2018 . CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
- ^Arad 1987, p. 273.
- ^Weinfeld 2013, p. 41.
- ^Wiernik 1945, chapt. 11.
- ^Arad 1987, p. 275.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 107–108.
- ^Young 2007.
- ^ abEvans 2008, p. 292.
- MAARIV (13 August 2012). "Kalman Taigman, ocalały z Treblinki, nie żyje" [Kalman Taigman, survivor of Treblinka died]. Translation from Hebrew, Maariv Daily, 8 August 2012 (in Polish). Erec Israel . Retrieved 30 March 2014 .
- "Last Treblinka death camp survivor Samuel Willenberg dies". BBC. 20 February 2016.
- ^ ab
- "Only 2 survivors remain from Treblinka". Israel Jewish Scene. Associated Press. 11 February 2010 . Retrieved 23 April 2013 .
- NIOD (2009). "Preparation – Sobibor Interviews". NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies.
- ^ abcdef
- Vanderwerff, Hans (22 July 2009), Extermination camp Treblinka, The Holocaust: Lest we forget, archived from the original on 17 May 2011 , retrieved 10 January 2014
- "When God Went On Holiday: The BBC Tells The Story Of Treblinka". The Inquisitr News. 14 August 2012. p. When God Went On Holiday: The BBC Tells The Story Of Treblinka . Retrieved 15 May 2014 .
- "Jewish Holocaust Centre - A Labour of Love". www.jhc.org.au . Retrieved 19 October 2018 .
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 111.
- ^Levy 2002, pp. 741–742.
- ^Evans 2008, p. 293.
- ^Arad 1987, p. 640.
- ^ abcdefKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 112.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 28.
- ^ abSereny 2013, p. 249.
- ^Evans 2008, p. 294.
- ^ abArad 1987, p. 87.
- ^ ab
- Chrostowski, Witold (2004), Extermination Camp Treblinka, London: Vallentine Mitchell, p. 37, ISBN0-85303-456-7 , Google Books search inside , retrieved 11 September 2013
- ^Evans 2008, p. 291.
- ^ abcd
- Webb, Chris Smart, Victor (2009). "The Removal of Dr Eberl and the Re-Organisation of the Camp – August 1942". Treblinka Death Camp. H.E.A.R.T Holocaust Research Project.org . Retrieved 1 November 2013 . Source: Arad, Donat, Sereny et al.
- ^Sereny 2013, p. 98.
- ^ abSereny 2013, p. 157.
- ^ abArad 1987, p. 186.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 96.
- ^Robert S. Wistrich. Who's Who in Nazi Germany, pp. 295–296. Macmillan, 1982.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 90, section 2.
- ^ Claude Lanzmann (director, Shoah, New Yorker Films, 1985, DVD disc 3, ch. 1 Claude Lanzmann, Shoah: An Oral History of the Holocaust, New York: Pantheon Books, 1985, 95.
- ^ For more about the song, see Erin McGlothlin, "The Voice of the Perpetrator, the Voices of the Survivors", in Erin Heather McGlothlin, Jennifer M. Kapczynski (eds.), Persistent Legacy: The Holocaust and German Studies, Rochester: Campden House, 2016, 40–49.
- ^ Suchomel's lyrics in German: "Wir kennen nur das Wort des Kommandanten / und nur Gehorsamkeit und Pflicht / Wir wollen weiter, weiter leisten / bis daß das kleine Glück uns einmal winkt. Hurrah!"
- Von Brumlik, Micha (17 February 1986). "Der zähe Schaum der Verdrängung". Der Spiegel. Spiegel-Verlag Rudolf Augstein GmbH & Co. KG . Retrieved 16 June 2015 .
- Webb, Chris (2007). "The Perpetrators Speak". Belzec, Sobibor & Treblinka Death Camps. H.E.A.R.T HolocaustResearchProject.org . Retrieved 30 October 2013 .
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 90.
- ^Arad 1987, p. 371.
- Stein, Joel Webb, Chris. "Meir Berliner – A Brave act of Resistance at Treblinka – Revolt & Resistance". Treblinka. HolocaustResearchProject.org . Retrieved 31 October 2013 . Also in:Bryant (2014), p. 103.
- Stein, Joel Webb, Chris. "Hershl Sperling – Personal Testimony of the Treblinka Death Camp". Treblinka. HolocaustResearchProject.org . Retrieved 23 May 2014 . Also in:Bryant (2014), p. 103, testimonies of Jakob Jakubowicz and Leo Lewi in Düsseldorf, 1964.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 86.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 49.
- ^Arad 1987, pp. 373–375.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 30, graph 1.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 402.
- Rytel-Andrianik, Paweł (2010). "Kościoły Św.Trójcy". Historia parafii Prostyń [History of Prostyń congregation] (in Polish). Drohiczyn Learned Society . Retrieved 9 December 2013 .
- ^Grossman 1946, p. 406.
- ^Grossman 1946, p. 402.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 378.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, pp. 416, 418.
- ^ abKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 117.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 118.
- Marcuse, Harold (February 2010). "Holocaust Memorials: The Emergence of a Genre" (PDF file, direct download 26.3 MB) . American Historical Review: 35–36 of current PDF document . Retrieved 23 October 2013 . Beginning with the Buchenwald memorial and numerous designs for the Birkenau competition, and continuing with the Île de la Cité in Paris, Treblinka, and Yad Vashem near Jerusalem, such experiential spaces have become a hallmark of major Holocaust memorials.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 121.
- ^Grossman 2005, p. 434.
- ^Grossman 2005, p. 457.
- ^Kopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 113: Ryszard Czarkowski, Cieniom Treblinki [To Shadows of Treblinka], Wydawn. Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej 1989. 83-11-07724-X and Zdzisław Łukaszkiewicz, "Obóz zagłady Treblinka," in: Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce, I, 1946, p. 142.
- S.D. Stein, ed. (2 February 2000). "The Treblinka Extermination Camp". Source: German Crimes in Poland. Volume I. Published by the Central Commission for Investigation of German Crimes in Poland. Warsaw, 1946. HLSS Social Sciences. Archived from the original on 8 October 2006 . Retrieved 29 July 2014 . CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
- ^ abDonat 1979, p. 14.
- Ząbecki, Franciszek (1977). Wspomnienia dawne i nowe [Old and New Memories] (in Polish). Warsaw: PAX. p. 148. PB 7495/77. Archived from the original on 20 August 2013 . Retrieved 31 October 2013 . Book description with digitized text samples at Swistak.pl. CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
- Wiścicki, Tomasz (16 April 2013). "Stacja tuż obok piekła. Treblinka w relacji Franciszka Ząbeckiego" [Train station to hell. Treblinka retold by Franciszek Ząbecki]. Muzeum Historii Polski (Museum of Polish history) . Retrieved 14 August 2013 . Source:Franciszek Ząbecki, "Wspomnienia dawne i nowe", Pax Publishing, Warsaw 1977
- ^ ab
- S.J. C.L. H.E.A.R.T (2007). "Franciszek Zabecki – The Station Master at Treblinka. Eyewitness to the Revolt – 2 August 1943". H.E.A.R.T. Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team . Retrieved 14 August 2013 .
- Bet ha-mishpaṭ ha-meḥozi (Jerusalem) (1994). The trial of Adolf Eichmann: record of proceedings in the District Court of Jerusalem, Volume 5. p. 2158. ISBN9789652790149 .
- Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team (2007). "Documents Related to the Treblinka Death Camp". Holocaust Research Project.org. Archived from the original on 17 October 2014 . Retrieved 10 August 2014 . Bundesarchiv – Fahrplanordnung 567.
- Grzesik, Julian (2011). "Holocaust – Zaglada Zydów (1939–1945)" (PDF) . Liber Duo S.C. p. 13 . Retrieved 14 August 2013 . Source: Ząbecki, Franciszek, "Wspomnienia dawne i nowe", Warszawa 1977. s. 94–95
- ^ ab
- Piotr Ząbecki (12 December 2013). "Był skromnym człowiekiem" [He was a humble man]. Życie Siedleckie. p. 21. Archived from the original on 19 December 2013.
- ^ abArad 1987, p. 223.
- ^ ab
- Witte, Peter Tyas, Stephen (Winter 2001). "A New Document on the Deportation and Murder of Jews during "Einsatz Reinhardt" 1942". Holocaust and Genocide Studies. Oxford University Press. 15 (3): 472. doi: 10.1093/hgs/15.3.468 .
- Grzegorz Mazur (2013). "The ZWZ-AK Bureau of Information and Propaganda". Essays and Articles. Polish Home Army Ex-Servicemen Association, London Branch . Retrieved 1 December 2013 .
- ^Snyder 2012, note 53.
- ^ ab
- Roca, Xavier (2010). "Comparative Efficacy of the Extermination Methods in Auschwitz and Operation Reinhard" (PDF) . Revista HMiC, vol. VIII. Barcelona: Departament d'Història Moderna i Contemporània de la UAB. p. 202 (4/15 in current document). ISSN1696-4403. Direct download, 188 KB . Retrieved 7 August 2014 .
- ^Sereny 2013, p. 12.
- ^Snyder 2012, p. 408.
- Kenneth McVay Yad Vashem. "The "Final Solution " ". Operation Reinhard: Extermination Camps of Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka. The Jewish Virtual Library . Retrieved 29 July 2014 . The total number of victims killed in Treblinka was 850,000 (Yitzhak Arad, Treblinka, Hell and Revolt, Tel Aviv, 1983, pp 261–265.)
- "Treblinka". Yad Vashem . Retrieved 8 July 2014 .
- ^Grossman 2005, p. 550.
- ^Sereny 2013, p. 372.
- ^Sereny 2013, p. 11.
- ^Evans 2008, pp. 747–748.
- ^ ab
- "About Simon Wiesenthal". Simon Wiesenthal Center. 2013. Section 11 . Retrieved 17 November 2013 .
- Hartmann, Ralph (2010). "Der Alibiprozeß". Den Aufsatz kommentieren (in German). Ossietzky 9/2010. Archived from the original on 2 December 2013 . Retrieved 19 November 2013 .
- ^Rückerl 1972, p. 132.
- Various authors (2005). "Treblinka Trials". ARC, Treblinka Camp History . Retrieved 7 September 2013 . Sources: Robin O'Neil, Thomas Blatt, Tom Teicholz, G. Reitlinger, Gitta Sereny.
- ^ abcdefS.J. H.E.A.R.T 2007, Trials.
- ^ abSereny 2013, p. 354.
- "Procesy zbrodniarzy [Trials of war criminals] 1946–1948". Wykaz sądzonych członków załogi KL Lublin/Majdanek [Majdanek staff put on trial]. KL Lublin. Archived from the original on 14 October 2013 . Retrieved 13 September 2013 .
- ^ abcKopówka & Rytel-Andrianik 2011, p. 116.
- ^Bryant 2014, p. 102.
- Ronen, Gil (30 March 2014). "Archaeologists Find Treblinka Gas Chambers". Israel National News.com . Retrieved 31 March 2014 .
- Sturdy Colls, Caroline (22 January 2012). "Treblinka: Revealing the hidden graves of the Holocaust". BBC News Magazine. Archived from the original on 21 July 2012 . Retrieved 16 November 2013 .
- Oszczęda, Waldemar (2008). "How it was with the Opoczno 'treasures ' " [Jak to z opoczyńskimi "skarbami" było]. Source: B. & Wł. Baranowski, J. Koloński (1970), "Katalog zabytków budownictwa przemysłowego w Polsce", PAN. Opoczno.Republika.pl. Archived from the original on 3 April 2010 – via Internet Archive. CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
- Paweł Budziński (22 December 2009). "Towarzystwo Akcyjne Dziewulski i Lange". "Z rozwoju przemysłu ceramicznego. Dwie fabryki Tow. Akc. Dziewulski i Lange." Świat, nr 1/1908. Tygodnik Opoczyński TOP nr 51 (650) weekly . Retrieved 14 April 2014 .
- Boyle, Alan (29 March 2014). "Archaeologists Delicately Dig Up Nazi Death Camp Secrets at Treblinka". NBC . Retrieved 29 March 2014 .
- Treblinka: Hitler's Killing Machine: Excavating a Secret Gas Chamber (YouTube video, 4.52 minutes). Smithsonian Channel. 25 March 2014.
- Pappas, Stephanie (31 March 2014). "First Excavation Of Nazi Death Camp Treblinka Reveals New Horrors". The Huffington Post . Retrieved 31 March 2014 .
- J.S.K. (23 April 2009). "Marsz Żywych w Treblince". Aktualności. Mazowiecki Urząd Wojewódzki w Warszawie . Retrieved 10 August 2014 .
- MWiMT (29 April 2009). . 16–26 kwietnia około 4 tysięcy młodych Żydów z różnych krajów świata odwiedziło Treblinkę. Muzeum Walki i Męczeństwa Treblinka . Retrieved 10 August 2014 .
- Sławomir Tomaszewski (27 April 2014). "Marsz Żywych w Treblince" [March of the Living in Treblinka]. Sokołów Podlaski. Życie Siedleckie.pl . Retrieved 10 August 2014 .
- ^Blatt 2000, pp. 3, 92.
- ^Blatt 2000, p. 10.
- ^ abBlatt 2000, p. 14.
- ^Blatt 2000, p. 19.
- Chodzko, Mieczyslaw (2010). Évadé de Treblinka. Editions Le Manuscrit. pp. 215–216. ISBN978-2-304-23223-3 . Retrieved 1 November 2013 .
- Various authors. "Excerpts from testimonies of Nazi SS-men at Treblinka: Stangl, Mentz, Franz & Matthes". Jewish Virtual Library . Retrieved 1 November 2013 . Source: Yitzhak Arad 1987 E. Klee, W. Dressen, V. Riess 1988 (The Good Old Days)
- ^Arad 1987, p. 121.
- Arad, Yitzhak (1987). Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps . Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. ISBN0253342937 .
- Arad, Yitzhak (2018). The Operation Reinhard Death Camps: Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka (Revised and expanded ed.). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. ISBN9780253025302 .
- Browning, Christopher (2017) . Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland. New York: HarperCollins. pp. 52, 77, 79, 80. ISBN978-0060190132 .
- Blatt, Thomas Toivi (2000). Sobibor: The Forgotten Revolt. H.E.P. pp. 3, 92. ISBN0-9649442-0-0 .
- Bryant, Michael (2014). Eyewitness to Genocide: The Operation Reinhard Death Camp Trials, 1955-1966. University of Tennessee Press. pp. 100–103. ISBN978-1621900498 .
- Court of Assizes (1965), Excerpts from Judgments (Urteilsbegründung), Düsseldorf: shamash.org
- Cywiński, Piotr (2013). "Treblinka". Adam Mickiewicz Institute.
- Cywiński, Piotr M. A. (2013) . Gideon Bielawski, Krzysztof Shalom, Yarek Ciechomska, Anita Płoszaj, Margaret Rusiniak-Karwat, Martyn (eds.). "Miejsce Martyrologii Żydów w Treblince" [Place of Jewish Martyrology at Treblinka]. Virtual Shtetl (in Polish). POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews. Archived from the original on 29 October 2013 . Retrieved 26 October 2013 .
- at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) at PBS at Yad Vashem at Holocaust Education Archive & Research Team (HEART) at the Jewish Virtual Library of Treblinka Extermination Camp at the Museum of the History of Polish Jews, Virtual Shtetl
- Chronicles of Terror - Repository (2017), Original depositions of Polish citizens who testified before the Main Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in Poland after World War II including former Sonderkommando prisoners, bystanders, and Jews who escaped from the Holocaust trains to Treblinka. Center for Totalitarian Studies, Warsaw. (in Polish and English)
340 ms 10.1% dataWrapper 220 ms 6.5% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback::getExpandedArgument 220 ms 6.5% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback::getAllExpandedArguments 140 ms 4.2% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback::match 120 ms 3.6% 120 ms 3.6% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback::gsub 100 ms 3.0% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback::find 80 ms 2.4% [others] 980 ms 29.2% Number of Wikibase entities loaded: 1/400 -->
July 1942, a Roll-Call of Six Jewish Policemen in the Warsaw Ghetto, Poland
The Jewish police force in the Warsaw ghetto numbered approximately 2,000. From 1941, they were under orders to supply man-power for forced labor to the German authorities. When the mass deportations of the Jews of Warsaw to the Treblinka death camp began on 22 July 1942, the Jewish police units were ordered to participate in rounding up the Jews for deportation. As time went on, the Jewish policemen understood that they were merely pawns in the hands of the Germans, and that their own fate was not assured. Many deserted and joined ghetto workshops or hid. Most of the Jewish policemen and their families were eventually deported to Treblinka and murdered.
The Jewish police (Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst) had been organized simultaneously with the establishment of the ghetto itself, and was comprised of some 2,000 volunteers who were primarily well-educated and upper-class young men looking for a way to survive. They did not request payment, and were even expected to pay in order to join. On 10 November 1940, Chaim Kaplan wrote in his diary:
"The Judenrat is burdened with much other work in preparing to organize life within a closed ghetto. Under its supervision a Jewish police force is being recruited which will have authority over the buried-alive Jews of the ghetto. Nine thousand young men have already registered as candidates for this force. By the way, each applicant included a five-zloty registration fee, which even the abject poor paid in the hope of being accepted for the ghetto police."
The Jewish police was first organized in order to direct traffic, supervise garbage collection and sanitation in the buildings, prevent crime and preserve order within the ghetto. However, in 1941 they were charged with providing workers for forced labor, and in the summer of 1942, were made responsible for gathering Jews for deportation during the mass deportations from Warsaw to Treblinka.
On 13 May 1942, Kaplan wrote:
"The decree concerning 'labor camps', which are merely a preparation for death, has been renewed. Since the day when war with Russia broke out, the camps had been idle and the ghetto had quietened down. Now the edict has been renewed. There is weeping and wailing in every house. The Judenrat was ordered to supply 1,500 youths, and the Jewish police began to make the rounds of the candidates' doors during the night. Their coming was accompanied by cries and wails, but the police, in spite of their being Jewish, harden their hearts and do their duty…. Instead of 1,500, 2,000 are taken out of their home 1,500 are turned over to the Nazis, 500 set free after paying a ransom to the Jewish police."
The Jewish policemen were faced with a complex dilemma. They were promised immunity from the deportations for themselves and their families, and many believed that in fulfilling the orders, they were helping save Jewish lives. By participating in the roundups, they would help to limit their scope by preventing individuals exempt from deportation from being deported regardless of the papers in their possession. Additionally, they felt that if the German units themselves were to carry out the deportations, they would be much more brutal and merciless than the Jewish police.
The participation of the Jewish police in the roundups led to their being the most hated group within the Jewish community of the ghetto. As the roundups continued and the police realized they were simply a tool in the hands of the Germans, that their own fates were insecure, many deserted the ranks of the Jewish police, trying to join the workshops in the ghetto or going into hiding. In response, strong measures were taken against the Jewish police, forcing them to either meet the daily quota of Jews to be rounded up or their relatives would be taken to fill the quota. On 21 September 1942, Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement), the final day of the mass deportations from Warsaw, the vast majority of the Jewish police and their families were deported to Treblinka and murdered. In the downsized ghetto, in which some 50,000 Jews out of almost half a million remained, approximately 200 Jewish policemen were left after the deportations.
Deportations from Warsaw ghetto to Treblinka begin - HISTORY
The most accurate figures available regarding the numbers killed at the Treblinka camp are found in the judgements (URTEILSBEGRUNDUNG) from the first and second Treblinka trials, held in Dusseldorf in 1965 and 1970:
Passed on September 3, 1965 in the trial of Kurt Franz and nine others at the court of Assizes in Dusseldorf (First Treblinka Trial) (i AZ-LG Dusseldorf: II 931638 , p. 49 ff.), and the trial of Franz Stangl at the court of Assizes at Dusseldorf (Second Treblinka Trial) on December 22, 1970 (pp. 111 ff., AZ-LG Dusseldorf, XI-148/69 S. )
Number of Persons Killed at the Treblinka Extermination Camp:
At least 700,000 persons, predominantly Jews, but also a number of Gypsies, were killed at the Treblinka extermination camp.
These findings are based on the expert opinion submitted to the Court of Assizes by Dr. Helmut Krausnick, director of the Institute for Contemporary History (Institute für Zeitgeschichte) in Munich. In formulating his opinion, Dr. Krausnick consulted all the German and foreign archival material accessible to him and customarily studied in historical research. Among the documents he examined were the following:
- The so-called Stroop report, a report by SS Brigadeführer [Brigadier] Jurgen Stroop, dealing with the destruction of the Warsaw ghetto. This report consists of three parts: namely, an introduction, a compilation of daily reports and a collection of photographs.
The latter documents, of which only a part were recovered after the war, were the subject of the trial and were made available to Dr. Krausnick by the Court of Assizes.
Dr. Krausnick's report includes the following information:
According to the Stroop report a total of approximately 310,000 Jews were transported in freight trains from the Warsaw ghetto to Treblinka during the period from July 22, 1942 to October 3, 1942. Approximately another 19,000 Jews made the same journey during the period from January, 1943 to the middle of May, 1943. During the period from August 21, 1942 to August 23, 1943, additional transports of Jews arrived at the Treblinka extermination camp, likewise by freight train, from other Polish cities, including Kielce, Miedzyrec, Lukow, Wloszczowa, Sedzizzow, Czestochowa, Szydlowiec, Lochow, Kozienice, Bialystok, Tomaszow, Grodno and Radom. Other Jews, who lived in the vicinity of Treblinka, arrived at Treblinka in horse-drawn wagons and in trucks, as did Gypsies, including some from countries other than Poland. In addition, Jews from Germany and from other European countries, including Austria, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Greece were transported to Treblinka, predominantly in passenger trains.
It has not been possible, of course, to establish the exact number of people transported to Treblinka in this fashion, because only a part of the transportation documents, particularly those relevant to the railroad transports, are available. Still, assuming that each of the trains consisted of an average of 60 cars, with each freight car holding an average total of 100 persons and each passenger car an average total of 50 (i.e., that each freight train might have carried an approximate total of 6,000, and each passenger train an approximate total of 3,000 Jews to Treblinka) the total number of people transported to Treblinka in freight trains and passenger trains might be estimated at approximately 271,000. This total would not include the 329,000 from Warsaw. Actually, however, these figures in many instances were much larger than the ones cited above. Besides, many additional thousands of Jews - and also Gypsies - arrived in Treblinka in horse-drawn wagons and on trucks. Accordingly, it must be assumed that the total number of Jews from Warsaw, from other parts of Poland, from Germany and from other European countries, who were taken to Treblinka, plus the total of at least 1,000 Gypsies who shared the same fate, amounted to far more than 700,000, even if one considers that several thousands of people were subsequently moved from Treblinka to other camps and that several hundred inmates succeeded in escaping from the camp, especially during the revolt of August 2, 1943. In view of the foregoing, it would be scientifically admissible to estimate the total number of persons killed in Treblinka at a minimum of 700,000.
The court of Assizes sees no reason to question the opinion of this expert, who is known in the scholarly world for his studies on the National Socialist persecution of the Jews. The expert opinion he has submitted is detailed, thorough and, therefore, convincing.
In the fall of 1969 another expert, Dr. Scheffler, submitted for the second Treblinka trial an opinion which was based on more recent research, estimating the total number of victims at about 900,000.
© The Nizkor Project, 1991-2012
This site is intended for educational purposes to teach about the Holocaust and to combat hatred. Any statements or excerpts found on this site are for educational purposes only.
As part of these educational purposes, Nizkor may include on this website materials, such as excerpts from the writings of racists and antisemites. Far from approving these writings, Nizkor condemns them and provides them so that its readers can learn the nature and extent of hate and antisemitic discourse. Nizkor urges the readers of these pages to condemn racist and hate speech in all of its forms and manifestations.