Anatolian Votive Stele Showing Kakasbos

Anatolian Votive Stele Showing Kakasbos

3D Image

Stele votive, Smyrna (Asia Minor, mod. Turkey), 2nd-3rd CE, limestone, depicting Kakasbos, Anatolian god-horseman carrying the club.

Musée d’Art et d’Histoire (Musée du Cinquantenaire, Brussels, Belgium).

Made with 150 pictures with Zephyr3D Lite from 3DFlow.

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Anatolian Votive Stele Showing Kakasbos - History

lecture 3 - outline
Neolithic - continued
Bronze Age

"Megalithic" culture culminates in Stonehenge:

Rise of religion with concept of life after death - burial cairns:
Clava Cairns - Historic Environment Scotland

Stone Cairns - NativeStones.com
Neolithic Burial Cairns - Google Scholarly Article Search
Chambered Cairn - Wikipedia

Advent of sun worship, astronomy

"Sunstone" - more at
Anynewsbd.com

Continued separation of 'Shaman' and 'Artist' roles,
eventually relegating the artist to Craftsman and creating a distinct Priest Class.

The Neolithic Era - Human Journey
June, 2011: The Birth of Religion - National Geographic

Jericho - c. 7000 BC

Jericho - Neolithic Tower

burial rites:

Plastered Skull from Jericho

Catul Huyuk c. 7000 - 6500 B.C. - (Pre-Hittite Anatolian) larger city - trade with Jericho.


Pre-Hittite Anatolian Bronze Sculpture c. 2100 B.C.
(Mother & Child
8")

Aug., 2002: Anatolian Art and Architecture - Encyclopedia Brittanica

Mesopotamia -
Sumer, Akkad, Babylonia:


Tablet, so-called 'Blau Monument', (6.25")



Statuette of Sumerian Worshipper
(11", gypsum 'early dynasty')


Sargon of Akkad
(bronze)

Sargon's daughter Enheduanna
was a poetess that was depicted in art
- click here for an article

Stele of Hammurabi (Babylonian King)
(7' 4.5" Basalt)
1790 B.C.

Vitally important in the history of Law and Civilization,
The Stele of Hammurabi is also significant in the history of portraiture.

Here the leader is seen receiving his divine authority to rule from Shamash.
The modern concept of a 'portrait' is still centuries away:
chiefly rulers, at this time in history still associated with divinity,
are uniquely portrayed in art.

Generalizations of soldiers, slaves, etc. are usually presented in groups:
only the most important individuals are formally depicted in this era.


Anatolian Steles
- show 'formalization' in depictions of rulers typical of this era :
An Anatolian Funerary Stele in an Antique Shop in Seville, Spain - Academia.edu
Kakasbos Stele - Wikipedia


Assyrian, Tell Ahmar, Syria - c. 880 B.C.
relief fresco

Nimrud Relief Panel - The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Early Cycladic Art and Culture - Metropolitan Museum of Art
Cycladic Sculpture - Ancient History Encyclopedia
Cycladic Art - Wikipedia


Department of History

“Innovative Warfare in Alexander’s Conquest of Asia”
By the time of Alexander’s campaigns against the Achaemenid Empire, mercenaries were in wide use throughout the classical world. Both Macedonia and Persia made use if hired soldiers, and did so in different ways both on and off the battlefield. What impacts do these mercenaries have on the battlefields, if any? Do the specialized troop types impact the overall performance of each army during the battle? Does the presence of specialized mercenary troops become a catalyst for internal development of that troop type to avoid the need for mercenaries?
The late Fourth Century witnessed “game changing” military innovation that allowed for major developments in both operational and tactical execution of war. Did the mercenary commanders, or the availability of any specialized troop types contribute to the atmosphere of successful ‘combined arms warfare,’ which proved to be so effective on the battlefield?
An analysis of the campaign of the Fall of Tyre will enable an analysis of the different schemes in which both sides used mercenary forces to supplement their original sources. This paper will help to provide a larger operational and strategic picture for two of the most flexible armies of the ancient world. By exploring the usage and outcomes of battles in which mercenaries play a role, I hope to learn the larger impact on operational and strategic military thought.


The Anatolian Cult of Sabazios (Lynn Roller)

¶1 In 1989 I published an article on examples of Attic vase painting which illustrate non-Greek divinities and cult rituals. note 1 Among the pieces I discussed was an Attic red figured krater from Spina, now in Ferrara, with a scene of two seated divinities, one male and one female, both making offerings from a phiale. note 2 The female divinity can be identified with some certainty as the Mother of the Gods, the Greek Kybele, but the male figure presents more of a puzzle. Following a suggestion of Erika Simon, note 3 I offered an identification as Sabazios. Shortly after this article appeared in print, I received a letter from Eugene Lane telling me that I was mistaken whoever this divinity was, it was not Sabazios. As was so often the case in matters dealing with eastern divinities in Greek and Roman cult, he was right and I was wrong. This was my first contact with Professor Lane, but it proved to be the start of a rewarding association from which I have benefitted enormously. With this in mind, I would like to offer the following comments on Sabazios, with the hope that the scholar who has contributed so much to our understanding of this divinity in ancient Mediterranean cult may find a few original points in it to stimulate his interest.

¶2 Sabazios is a deity who seems to exist on the margins of Greek and Roman cult practice, attested everywhere yet fully at home nowhere. His origins, his place in ancient Mediterranean cult practice, and his character have all been widely discussed, with little consensus achieved. note 4 Much of the interest in Sabazios has focused on questions of syncretism between his cult with that of other deities. Some of the more far-fetched attributions of syncretism, such as the placement of Sabazios's origins in Thrace note 5 or the erroneous connection between Sabazios and Judaism, note 6 have largely been discredited. Modern discussions of Sabazios which place him in a Hellenic context and focus on the literary evidence from Greek and Roman sources seem more sensibly grounded, since these sources give direct information on the position of Sabazios in Greek and Roman cult. Moreover, we have references to Sabazios in the Greek world at an earlier date than in Anatolia, a fact that appears to lend greater authority to the comments of Greek authors. This approach, however, has the effect of limiting our view of the cult of Sabazios to a Greek and Roman perspective, thus separating the god from his place in Anatolian cult. As an example, Sabazios is routinely considered a Phrygian divinity, in large part because Aristophanes, who mentions the god in four of his plays, ascribes his origins to Phrygia. note 7 Yet from an Anatolian perspective, this is a highly problematic assumption, since there is no evidence for an equivalent deity in Phrygia in the late fifth century BCE, the time when Aristophanes attests to his presence in Athens. Therefore my goal in this paper is to analyze the information from Anatolia related to the cult of Sabazios and focus on the god's place in Anatolian religious practice. From this we will see that Sabazios was very much at home in Anatolia where he was one manifestation of the principal male divinity, whom the Greeks and Romans identified as Zeus. While his cult is only rarely attested in Phrygia, it appears more frequently in other regions of western Anatolia, especially Lydia and Lycia, where the god's worship and his status in Anatolian cult seem quite different from what is suggested by the Greek evidence. Let us review the sources on the cult of Sabazios from Anatolia and try to form an assessment of the god's place in the religious practices of his homeland. Then we can turn to the Greek view of Sabazios and evaluate it more carefully. Such an analysis will help clarify the Hellenic filter through which this deity is viewed and provide further insight into his position in both Anatolian and Greek cult.

¶3 Evidence from Anatolia on the cult of Sabazios is provided by a series of inscriptions recording dedications to the god or regulating his cult these are supplemented by votive reliefs and statuettes depicting the god. Since the inscriptions provide a longer and more complete record of the god's cult, they will be considered first. We may start with the earliest known example, an interesting text from Sardis. note 8 Inscribed in the first half of the second century CE, the text records a decree originally promulgated in the mid-fourth century BCE, probably during the reign of Artaxerxes II. note 9 The decree opens with a dedication to Zeus Bardates by the Persian satrap stationed in Sardis. The body of the text is a cult regulation which explicitly forbids participation in the mysteries of the deities Sabazios, Angdistis, and Ma by the neokoroi , the temple attendants, particularly those responsible for crowning the god and carrying the implements of fire and incense burning. note 10 Zeus Bardates, Zeus the Law Giver in Persian, may be identified with the chief Persian male deity Ahura Mazda, and the intent of the text was apparently to keep the worship of Ahura Mazda from being contaminated by local Anatolian cults. note 11 Thus by grouping Sabazios together with the cults of indigenous Anatolian deities, particularly Angdistis, another name for Matar, the Phrygian Mother goddess, and Ma, an Anatolian deity originally at home in Cappadocia, the text emphasizes Sabazios's Anatolian origins.

¶4 The text suggests other issues as well. The Sardis text presents Sabazios as a distinct entity, separate from Zeus Bardates. The goal of the decree may have been to distinguish a major Anatolian male deity from the main Persian male deity, and thereby keep the Iranian identity of Zeus Bardates intact. This will have further implications as we review subsequent evidence on Sabazios, since, as we will see, the god's name normally appears as an epithet of Zeus. Could the Persian governor of Sardis have been concerned to keep Zeus Bardates from being assimilated by the local people with an Anatolian counterpart, a male deity who might also identified with Zeus? note 12

¶5 This suggestion is supported by another inscription from Sardis that provides evidence of the worship of Sabazios there. The text is a dedication by a priest of Sabazios named Menophilos, of the tribe of Eumeneis, to king Eumenes, and it seems likely that this refers to Eumenes II of Pergamon, 197-159 BCE. note 13 The name of the god is spelled Sauazios, a form that we will meet in other Anatolian texts, and one which may well reflect the local pronunciation of the name. On the stone, a gap of uncertain dimensions before the word Sauazios exists, and it has been plausibly suggested that this should be restored as Zeus Sa<b>azios. If this is correct, it will be the earliest evidence for the identification of Sabazios with Zeus, an identification which was prominent in Pergamon and was to become virtually standard in later Sabazios texts.

¶6 The identification of Sabazios with Zeus is made explicit by the fuller documentation on the cult of Sabazios in Pergamon. note 14 Two letters by Attalos III, both written in October 135 BCE, report that the cult of Zeus Sabazios was brought to Pergamon in 188 BCE by Stratonike, wife of Attalos II and mother of Attalos III. note 15 Stratonike was originally from Cappadocia assuming that she brought the deity with her from her homeland, this strengthens the argument for Sabazios's Anatolian roots by placing him in another region altogether. The principal official of the cult of Zeus Sabazios was a member of the royal family, Athenaios, a cousin of Attalos III, who was further honored with the priesthood of Dionysos Kathegemon, another cult of importance to the royal family. note 16 Because of the royal patronage, the cult of Zeus Sabazios enjoyed high standing in Pergamon. In 135 BCE the god's cult was placed on the acropolis of Pergamon in the temple of the city's most important deity, Athena Nikephoros, and he was addressed as the most honored deity, the deity who stood by the city in times of danger. note 17 He was honored with sacrifices and processions and mysteries conducted for him on behalf of the city, πρὸ πόλεως . note 18 Zeus Sabazios was only one form of Zeus, distinct from the Zeus worshipped at the Pergamon Altar, yet was clearly an important presence in the city. Sabazios was the recipient of private cult in Pergamon also, as is evident from a small inscribed votive column dedicated to the god by Philotera, a private citizen. note 19 The god's status seems to have been most closely related to the patronage of the Attalid dynasty, however, and thus the end of the dynasty, only two years after the letters were written, marks the end of our information about Sabazios in Pergamon.

¶7 Only slightly later than the documents from Pergamon is a text from Tlos, in Lycia, in which the name Sabazios appears alone, not as an epithet of an Olympian deity. note 20 Dating to the end of the second century BCE, the text records honors to an individual (whose name is not preserved) for his benefactions to the people of the city and to the race of Lycians, in military, civic, and political duties. One of these was his service as priest for life of Sabazios πρὸ πόλεως on behalf of the city. This language, noted above in the letter of Attalos III of Pergamon, defines the priesthood as a civic office and the deity as an official god of the city. note 21 The text from Tlos makes clear that the Sabazios cult in Anatolia was not limited to circumstances specific to the royal family of Pergamon, but could function as a cult of a πόλις as well. Nor was it limited to the highly Hellenized parts of western Anatolia, but was also a presence in more remote areas such as Lycia.

¶8 I have treated the Anatolian testimonia on Sabazios from the fourth through second centuries BCE in some detail because these texts introduce the god to us and give a picture of his rituals and social status. During the Roman era, dedications to Sabazios, ranging in date from the late first through early third centuries CE, become more abundant yet at the same time they fall into predictable patterns and so can be treated more briefly. In the majority of the examples the god is addressed as Zeus Sabazios. note 22 The name of the deity appears in variant spellings, the most common of which is Saouazios, implying that regional pronounciation often used a soft semi-vowel, like the English w, for the internal b. note 23 The majority of Sabazios inscriptions were found in western Anatolia, in Bithynia, Ionia, Lydia, and Lycia. note 24 Despite Aristophanes' comment that Sabazios was a Phrygian, evidence for the god's cult in Phrygia is much rarer to date only two texts are known from Phrygia, note 25 although a well preserved statuette of the god, found in Çavdarli, near Afyon, discussed below, adds further evidence to the god's presence in this region. note 26

¶9 Dedications to Sabazios exhibit the range of subjects typical of religious dedications from the Roman era in Asia Minor. The majority record dedications in fulfillment of a vow to the god. note 27 Rarely is the reason for the vow specified, although one touching case records a vow from a freedman who prays for the safety of his father, presumably still a slave. note 28 One vow is offered for good crops by the inhabitants of a village who dwell on sacred land, presumably a temple estate of the god. note 29 A few are confessions of wrongdoing and atonement, usually confessions from individuals who stole or damaged property belonging to the god. note 30 There are also records of new sanctuaries dedicated to Sabazios. Texts from Maionia in Lydia and Sakcilar in Bithynia report the establishment of private sanctuaries, while in a text from Koloe (modern Kula), the whole village joins in the establishment of a shrine of Zeus Sabazios the event was commemorated by an elaborate relief depicting the worshippers processing to the altar of the god. note 31 One is a funerary stele, set up by followers of the god, the Sabaziastai, for a woman, Euboula. note 32 In some dedications Sabazios is honored jointly with other aspects of Zeus. A certain Ploution, from Philadelphia, dedicates a statue of Zeus Sabazios to Zeus Koryphaios, while another individual in Phrygian Epiktetos makes a joint dedication to Zeus Bronton and Sabazios. note 33 Occasionally there are indications that the god could be an important presence in a given community. An example is furnished by an inscription on a large base of the third century CE from an imperial estate in Ormeleis, in Lycia. note 34 The text, inscribed by the participants in the god's mysteries, attests both to the prestige and to financial support of the cult in this region. But overall we are left with the general impression that Sabazios played only a minor part in the religious life of Anatolia. The number of texts is fairly small, fewer than thirty, and forms only a small part of the corpus of religious inscriptions from Anatolia during the first three centuries of the Roman era.

¶10 Let us place Sabazios within the overall picture of local cults in Anatolia. His origins and his place in the Anatolian pantheon remain problematic. Despite the attribution of a Phrygian origin in Greek sources, Sabazios is most at home in western Anatolia. The centers of his worship are fairly diffused, with the strongest presence in Lydia and Lycia. Testimonia to his cult are, however, widely enough distributed to show that the cult was not limited to one specific area, indicating that the god was more than a purely regional presence. The background of his cult is also problematic. We have no mention of him in Anatolia before the mid-fourth century BCE, nor is there any visual image of him before the early Roman period. Before the fourth century BCE, the most conspicuous feature of Anatolian cult was the Mother Goddess, originally a Phrygian deity but one whose cult spread widely, particularly in western Anatolia. note 35 In the third century BCE and later, however, male divinities had come to dominate the Anatolian pantheon. Of these, the most prominent is Zeus, worshipped with various epithets and in various guises. note 36 In fact, Zeus appears in so many regional versions and with so many different epithets that it seems likely that we see, not the Greek Zeus, but rather the principal male divinity in Anatolian cult practice whom the Greeks would have equated with Zeus. note 37 Just as Matar, the Mother, the principal female divinity in Anatolian cult practice, was addressed with a large number of topographical and descriptive epithets, so was the major Anatolian male deity. note 38 These epithets are so variable and numerous that it is not fully clear to what extent these male deities, the forms of Zeus in the various regional cults, were considered to be the same figure, or whether we are seeing a large number of local cult figures, between whom only minimal connections would have existed in the minds of their worshippers. As we have seen, Sabazios is often identified with Zeus, and the theonym Sabazios was used as an epithet of Zeus in the majority of the texts. Could Sabazios then be the Greek perception of the principal male Anatolian cult figure, one aspect of this Anatolian god whom the Greeks would later identify with Zeus?

¶11 Visual representations of the god support this hypothesis by providing strong links to the Greek Zeus. There are several sculptural images of Sabazios from Anatolia, all of the first and second centuries CE. Four of the inscribed dedications to Sabazios are surmounted by a relief depicting the god, and one statuette of him, found near Afyon, is known. One stele, from Balat, in Bithynia, shows a mature bearded male seated on a throne, wearing a long gown and a headdress he holds a phiale in his right hand and a spear in his left. note 39 The piece is now lost, however, and only imprecise older drawings of it survive, making an analysis of the visual iconography tentative at best. Clearer information can be derived from reliefs on three stelai from Lydia, from Maionia, Koloe, and Philadelphia. note 40 On each piece the god is depicted as a mature bearded male, standing and pouring a libation from a phiale. On two pieces he pours the libation onto a small altar, and on the third into a krater with a tree behind it. In each example the god is shown wearing the costume of a typical Greek male, a long robe drawn into a roll around his waist and pulled up over his left shoulder. On the stele from Maionia the god wears a distinctive headdress, a cap with a pointed tip, traditionally labeled Phrygian (although as we shall see below, this label is incorrect). note 41 On this work also a snake appears above the altar. Apart from this example of cap and snake, none of the reliefs has attributes that identify the god specifically as Sabazios. note 42 Indeed, apart from the cap, the general form and costume of the mature bearded male are quite similar to Greek representations of Zeus, further suggesting the connection of Sabazios with Zeus.

¶12 The statuette of the god from Afyon represents a different visual tradition. note 43 The piece depicts a mature male figure, standing with the weight on the left leg and the right leg bent and raised as if striding forward, as he steps onto a ram's head. Both arms are outstretched, the right lowered and the left raised. Unfortunately both hands are missing, and so we cannot tell if the right hand was depicted with the tradition three-finger gesture of blessing characteristic of Sabazios votive hands. note 44 The costume is distinctive: the god wears a belted knee-length tunic with leggings and soft boots which reach to his ankles he also wears a high cap with a point tipping forward and ear flaps, the conventional Phrygian cap. This representation of the deity follows the standard Sabazios iconography known from numerous reliefs and statuettes of Sabazios and from figurines attached to votive hands of the god, all of which, apart from this piece, come from the western Roman Empire. note 45 This costume might strike Greek and Roman eyes as Anatolian, but it has no parallels among the visual representations of the god from any region of Anatolia. It is instead a Greek creation, originally based on an Achaemenian prototype. It first appears in Greek vase painting during the first half of the fifth century BCE in depictions of Achaemenian Persian figures, who are shown with a very similar belted tunic, leggings, soft boots, and pointed cap with ear flaps. The use of the costume was also extended to represent a variety of mythological figures believed by the Greeks to be of Eastern origin, such as the Amazons and the Trojan Paris. note 46 A comparison with Greek representations of Attis is particularly telling, since Attis, a deity to whom the Greeks imputed Phrygian origin, wears a costume that is virtually identical. note 47 Here the same costume has become part of the regular iconography of Sabazios, in which this so-called Phrygian costume is worn by a mature male with a full beard. The image is that of an Oriental Zeus, in which the Greek body and face of the god are clothed in Eastern dress. The first application of this costume to Sabazios probably did not take place in Anatolia, but in the western Empire, perhaps in Rome itself, from where it spread widely throughout the western Empire. note 48 It seems likely that this iconographic type was imported into Anatolia during the early Roman period, a suggestion reinforced by the fact that the other Anatolian votive reliefs depicting the god do not follow this type.

¶13 In the case of Attis, not only the costume, but indeed the god himself can be shown to be a creation of Greek iconography and cult practice, first apparent in the fourth century BCE. note 49 Sabazios, however, is unlikely to have been a creation of Greek cult, as Attis was, despite the fact that pictorial representations of him were created under strong Greek influence. The evidence for his presence in Anatolia and his position as a deity of honor there is too widespread to deny his Anatolian roots. The text from Sardis sets him firmly in the company of other gods, Angdistis and Ma, of clear Anatolian origin. Thus one may wonder why representations of Sabazios drew on a visual scheme originally based on a Greek model. Why was an Anatolian image of the deity not adopted, as was done in the case of the Phrygian Matar Kubeliya, who became the Greek Meter? The answer seems to be that there was no Anatolian visual prototype of Sabazios to draw on because the god had never been represented in Anatolian art. When the cult of Sabazios spread to the west, a visual iconography was created for the god based on the widely disseminated schema used to represent another deity associated with Anatolia, Attis.

¶14 These observations give us some tools with which to address the questions posed at the beginning of this essay about the origins of Sabazios and the specifically Anatolian character of his worship. Both his name in Anatolia, Zeus Sabazios, and his physical appearance indicate that Sabazios was one aspect of the principal male divinity in Anatolian cult whom the Greeks identified as Zeus, so abundantly attested within the Hellenistic and Roman periods in Anatolia. Given this situation, one may wonder at the lack of evidence for Sabazios before the fourth century BCE. There is no cult image of any mature male figure, or indeed of any male figure at all, in central or western Anatolia that might be identified as Sabazios. Nor does his name appear in any Paleo-Phrygian text. note 50 One might claim that Sabazios did exist in indigenous Anatolian cult practice but that no visible evidence survives of him, but this seems unlikely when one contrasts Sabazios's absence from texts and cult monuments with the abundant testimonia, both written and visual, for the principal Phrygian divinity Matar, the Mother. Indeed, the Phrygian Mother's absolute prominence in Phrygian cult and her lack of a consort are among her most distinguishing features. The dearth of iconographic representations of Sabazios in Anatolia is particularly puzzling, and we may wonder if the high status of the Anatolian male deity, the prototype of Zeus Sabazios, led to a prohibition against visual depictions of this deity. This would explain the discrepancy between the infrequency of evidence for the cult of an important male divinity in Anatolia before the Hellenistic period, and the regular appearance of such a deity during the Hellenistic and Roman eras. These many Zeus figures were addressed with a plethora of local epithets in different regions of Anatolia, and the name Sabazios may originally have been one such regional or descriptive epithet of this Anatolian Zeus. The texts from Philadelphia and Phrygia Epiktetos which record joint dedications to Zeus Sabazios and another aspect of Zeus further suggest that Sabazios was one of many Zeus figures. note 51 We cannot be sure of the chronological progression of the early Sabazios cult, but the references to Sabazios in Greek literature some two generations before the Sardis text strongly suggest that his cult was a factor in Anatolian religious life before the earliest Anatolian texts in the Greek language make his presence visible to the modern viewer.

¶15 The texts from Anatolia also provide us with some insight about the rites celebrated for Sabazios and his status in Anatolian cult. One type of ritual celebrated for Sabazios was mystery cult. The texts from Sardis, Pergamon, and Ormeleis all refer to the mysteries for Sabazios, and imply that his worship was limited to initiates. The god was also worshipped in civic rites open to the whole community. Texts from Pergamon and Tlos attribute a high status to the god and state that the cult of Sabazios was important to the πόλις . Emphasis was placed on sacrifices and processions in addition to mystery rites. Civic cult is also implied by the foundation of a sanctuary for Sabazios by a village community. note 52 Yet the numerous private vows, dedications, comments on personal cult foundations and a private association of Sabaziastai suggest the power of the god to influence private individual cult as well. The wide appeal of his cult is also implied by the Sardis text otherwise the Persian governor would not have needed to prohibit the worship of Sabazios to those engaged in Persian cult practice. Throughout we see a deity who was integrated into many facets of Anatolian religious life, public and private. Nowhere is there any hint of ecstatic cult ritual, no illustrations of tympana, nor any signs of connection with rituals celebrated for Dionysos. In all these aspects the cult of Sabazios in Anatolia is fairly typical of the broad range of activities found in many Anatolian cults of the Hellenistic and early Roman period.

¶16 Several of these conclusions might seem surprising, since they contrast sharply with the standard Greek and Roman picture of Sabazios. In Greek and Roman sources, Sabazios was often connected with Dionysos and his cult was noted primarily for its ecstatic rites, viewed as typical of foreign deities. Therefore let us turn now to a consideration of the Greek view of Sabazios and examine the factors that shaped the Greek view of the god.

¶17 A key factor of Sabazios's place in Greek cult was his non-Greek origin. note 53 In most modern literature, discussions of non-Greek deities rest on the assumption that the character of the foreign deity and the rites held for him/her in the Greek world replicated the cult practices of the deity's homeland. Greek reactions to foreign deities, however, mask a complicated situation, and the variable status of Anatolian deities in Greek cult well illustrates this. Some Anatolian deities whom we meet through Greek sources were the Hellenic counterparts of deities worshipped within their country of origin, while others were substantially altered by Greek cult practice and bore little relationship to an equivalent figure in their supposed ethnic homeland. An example of the former is the Greek Mother of the Gods, or Kybele. In ascribing a Phrygian origin to her, the Greeks' assumptions were correct. A clear line of transmission and development can be followed from the Phrygian Matar Kubeliya to the Greek Meter Theon, the Mother of the Gods. note 54 On the other hand, the deity Attis, known to the Greeks as the consort of the Mother of the Gods, was also widely considered to be a Phrygian god, but here the Greeks' attribution of origin appears to be wrong. No deity equivalent to Attis can be found in Phrygian cult monuments and inscriptions from central Anatolia never use the word Attis as a theonym until the Hellenistic when the deity appears as an import from Greece. note 55 Our task will be to understand where Sabazios fits into this spectrum: which Greek comments about his cult record genuine information, and which reflect the alterations experienced by the Sabazios cult in the Greek world.

¶18 One point of confusion, the question of the god's origins, can be addressed fairly easily. Sabazios was regularly called a Phrygian by the Greeks, despite the fact that his cult was most abundantly attested in Lydia and Lycia and only rarely in Phrygia. Comment on Sabazios's origin can be found in the earliest Greek source on the god, the comedies of Aristophanes, where Sabazios is identified as a Phrygian god in a fragment from the Horae , an attribution reinforced by a scholiast on a passage in the Birds . note 56 It is unlikely, however, that Aristophanes was recording precise ethnic information about Anatolian cult practices. Rather, his intent was to suggest the god's Eastern origin and, perhaps, his low social status, at a time when labeling someone a Phrygian was tantamount to calling that individual a slave. note 57 Other comments by fifth century Athenian authors indicate that to contemporary Athenians, little distinction existed between Anatolian ethnic groups such as Lydians and Phrygians. note 58 Because of the significant presence of Phrygians in the slave population of Athens, they would be the dominant Anatolian group that Athenians came into contact with and so all Anatolian figures would likely be called Phrygian.

¶19 The rites celebrated for Sabazios offer another key to his status in the Greek world. Since Sabazios was a deity of non-Greek origin, we would expect his worship to differ from rites for the established deities of a Greek πόλις , which emphasized publicly conducted sacrifices and shared meals. The limited information we have about the rites for Sabazios in Greece, pertaining almost entirely to Attica, reinforces this expectation. Aristophanes implies that Sabazios's rites emphasized ecstatic ritual designed to facilitate direct communication with the deity, either through the use of a trance-like state ( Wasps 9-10 ) or through an emotionally agitated state induced by cries and drumming on the tympanum ( Lysistrate 387-388 ). In this, the rites of Sabazios were similar to those held for other deities of non-Greek origin, including Adonis and Meter, the Mother of the gods. note 59 The primary social function of ecstatic rites was not to promote communal bonds, as was the case in a πόλις cult, but to encourage individual religious expression. As a result the individualistic tendencies of such an ecstatic cult could have a divisive effect, which may be one reason why they were looked on with disfavor.

¶20 Ecstatic rites, however, were not limited to foreign deities, but were also characteristic of some Greek divinities, most notably Dionysos. note 60 This circumstance may lie behind the frequent association of Sabazios with Dionysos, one which is stated explicitly in several Greek and Roman literary sources although never attested in any document concerning the cult of Sabazios from Anatolia. note 61 There is no reason to assume that the cult of Sabazios had any connection with Dionysos. No Dionysiac epithets were ever applied to Sabazios, and the god's visual image, as has been discussed above, draws heavily on Greek images of Zeus, but shows no affinity to images of Dionysos. The equation between the two seems to arise from the common use of mystery cult and ecstatic rites, rather than from any commonality of cult identity.

¶21 These factors should be kept in mind as we assess one of the most problematical passages concerning the Sabazios cult in Greece, Demosthenes, On the Crown 259-260 . In it Demosthenes attacks his opponent Aischines by accusing Aischines' mother of participating in ecstatic rites involving processions, wearing special crowns, handling snakes, and the use of the cry Εὐοῖ Σαβοῖ . The language of Demosthenes, while vivid and compelling, may not be a literal description of the rites of Sabazios, since Demosthenes is clearly exaggerating for rhetorical effect. note 62 Moreover, the god's name is not directly mentioned in this passage, and the exact meaning of the cry Εὐοῖ Σαβοῖ is unclear. It seems likely, however, that these words preserve a ritual cry for Sabazios, since they are coupled with another ritual cry, ὑῆς ἄττης , which may be the earliest reference to another deity of supposed Anatolian origin, Attis. note 63 It is likely that because of his Anatolian origins, Sabazios was coupled in Greek minds with Attis. Demosthenes' comments confirm the image found in the Aristophanic comedies, that Sabazios's cult in Athens had a distinctively exotic quality that kept it on the fringes of Athenian religious practice. note 64 They do not, however, justify the conclusion that Sabazios was connected with Dionysos.

¶22 There is, moreover, a strong sense of low social status attached to the cult of Sabazios in Demosthenes' description, and this contempt is further suggested by Cicero, who cites a (now lost) comedy of Aristophanes in which Sabazios and certain other foreign gods were put on trial and expelled from the city. note 65 Such scorn seems to be present in the comments of Theophrastos also he mocks one of his characters, the Late Learner, who gussies himself up for the festival of Sabazios, while the Superstitious Man calls on Sabazios's name whenever he sees a snake. note 66 We cannot discard the information from Greek authors about the Sabazios cult altogether, for there seems to be some knowledge of Anatolian cult practice in the use of the snake, which appears in the passages of both Demosthenes and Theophrastos and in several Anatolian votive reliefs dedicated to the god. note 67 The common thread in the information gained from Greek authors, though, is that Sabazios's foreign origin and the unusual character of his rites resulted in a marginal position for the god in Greek religious practice. This surely accounts for the distorted reaction in ancient literary sources to Sabazios, since it is based on the Greek experience with his cult and not on the god's character and status in his Anatolian homeland.

¶23 Thus we can see that Sabazios's place in Greek religious practice was quite different from his position in Anatolia. The cult of Sabazios spread to the Greek world, presumably through Anatolian immigrants, including slaves, since Anatolians are well attested in the Greek slave population, particularly in Athens. The date when the cult first appeared in Greece is uncertain, but must be during or earlier than the mid-fifth century BCE, since by the 420's Sabazios was a well enough known figure in Athens that Aristophanes could use him as the butt of jokes which the local audience would be expected to understand. The supercilious quality of the observations by Aristophanes, Demosthenes, and others implies a lack of social respectability among the god's followers, and this was enhanced by the use of ecstatic, emotionally charged ritual, presented as typical of foreign ritual. Yet the cult of Sabazios clearly struck a chord with many individuals in the Greek world, for we find it attested in several centers on the Greek mainland and the Aegean islands. note 68 As a non-Greek deity, Sabazios's cult would have been outside the regular cult associations of a πόλις , and so we would expect to see some special organizations established to regulate his cult, as was done for the cults of other non-Greek divinities. This we do see, both in the Piraeus, an inscription recording the names of the ἐρανίσται of Sabazios, note 69 and in Rhodes, a text recording honors to an individual, Ariston of Syracuse, for his services to the κοίνον of the Sabaziastai. note 70

¶24 Taken together, the sources give us some insight into the identity of Sabazios and his place in Anatolian and Greek cult. In Sabazios we see one of the earliest manifestations of the principal male deity in Anatolian cult, later identified by the Greeks and Hellenized Anatolians with Zeus and worshipped under a large number of epithets. The name Sabazios may be one regional epithet of the Anatolian Zeus, or an epithet indicating a particular area of concern to the divinity or his worshippers. What we cannot tell is why people turned to the cult of Sabazios and what attracted worshippers to him. note 71 His presence in mystery and ecstatic rites suggests that his cult must have filled some real personal need to his worshippers, and this suggestion is further supported by the wide distribution of the Hellenized definition of Sabazios throughout the Roman Empire. The great majority of Sabazios dedications, both texts and images, come from areas far from his Anatolian homeland, attesting to the power of this cult and its ability to transcend cultural boundaries. Because of his identity with Zeus, Sabazios became a figure in Orphic cult as well, attested in several of the Orphic hymns as the Zeus figure who was responsible for the birth of Dionysos. note 72 In sum, the cult of Sabazios illustrates how a local cult that started with only a small regional following came to influence areas far beyond its original setting. It furnishes one small part in the larger picture of the impact of the native peoples of Anatolia on areas outside their homeland.


Chapter 2. The Sculpture of the Prehistoric, Lydian, and Persian Periods. An Overview and Appraisal

In this chapter we will attempt to draw together some of the results suggested by our study of the sculpture of the Lydian and Persian eras found at Sardis and to integrate the works of stone we have collected into a framework of stylistic development as it is beginning to emerge from the data of the excavations at Sardis, from comparisons with Sardian sculpture in other media, and from a view of the artistic developments in the neighboring regions. The pieces we survey span about three centuries, from the late seventh to the late fourth century B.C. Although not numerous and often fragmentary, they yet permit a delineation of some stylistic, iconographic, and social aspects of sculpture in the times of the Lydian kings and Persian satraps when Sardis served as a clearing house in trade and ideas between the Mediterranean world and the Near East. 1

Sardis, at least at the time of the Lydian kings Alyattes and Croesus, seems to have harbored an important school of sculptors. Subsequently under the Persians it may have been a focal point in the formulation of the “Greco-Persian” art created for the satrapal courts. We are now in the position to point out interesting stylistic relationships with the “Late Hittite” Anatolian areas, with workshops in Eastern Greece and on the Greek mainland, and later with Iran and we can at least pose, if not completely answer, the question of what specifically Lydian traits may be discerned in Sardian sculpture.

What sculptural traditions Sardis may have known in the time prior to the late seventh century B.C. is as yet an open question, but some sparse rays of light are cast upon this dark phase by two pre-Lydian works, with which we begin our account.

The Prehistoric Prelude

The earliest piece claimed so far for the Sardis region is a powerful small head made of serpentine (Cat. no. 229, Figs. 396, 397, 398, 399) and dating to the late Neolithic phase of Anatolian culture, possibly to the fifth millennium B.C. Its stylistic parallels are with the masterpieces of late Neolithic sculpture of Central and Western Anatolia found at Hacılar, Can Hasan, and ౺tal Hüyük. 2 Serpentine does not seem to occur at Sardis and thus this remarkable work may have been imported from another area. As long as it remains isolated, we cannot consider it a completely safe witness for the existence of a Neolithic school of sculpture at Sardis.

That the early Bronze Age peoples, who lived in the Sardian plain in the third millennium B.C., practiced sculpture on a small scale is confirmed by a silver figurine of a ram found in a grave 3 in the cemetery of Eski Balıkhane on the Gygean Lake (Fig. 2, map). The same cemetery yielded a fragmentary stone figurine, perhaps the image of a goddess (Cat. no. 1, Figs. 6, 7). Future finds may yet link these early essays in plastic arts to the continuous tradition of stone sculpture that began in the time of the Lydian kingdom.

Small head of a woman (?), Private Collection. ()

Small head of a woman (?), Private Collection, back. ()

Small head of a woman (?), Private Collection, right profile. ()

Small head of a woman (?), Private Collection, left profile. ()

Sardis and surrounding region. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower body and feet of prehistoric idol. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower body and feet of prehistoric idol. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

The Lydian Era (680-547 B.C.)

The era of the Lydian kings was the time of Lydian power and affluence. Pioneering Greek artists like Glaukos of Chios (infra, Ch. III, “Literary and Epigraphic Evidence,” no. 3) made a silver bowl and iron stand decorated with animals and flowers for King Alyattes (610?-561), and Theodoros of Samos made a silver bowl for Croesus (560-547), who in turn gave a golden kore (�ker woman”) and lion to Delphi and dedicated golden bulls and marble reliefs for columns at Ephesus (Ch. III, “Literary and Epigraphic Evidence,” nos. 5-9).

Imports attest relations with Egypt by seals from Naucratis, 4 with Assyria and Babylon by a few seals and bits of glazed pottery. These slight archaeological data back up the substantial literary and epigraphic tradition which reveals the presence of Lydians at the court of Babylon around 600 B.C. 5 A well known ivory head found in a tomb at Sardis is either Phoenician or under immediate Phoenician influence. 6 A rock crystal lion is clearly of a “Late Hittite” type. 7 There are Kimmerian and Scythian chapes and bronze horse trappings 8 and a series of bronze animals probably inspired by either Scythian or Iranian prototypes. 9 The most important aspects of coinage, such as the guarantee by the king, and probably the use of the lion as a royal symbol, as well as the formal traits of the earliest Lydian lions on coins, point to Assyria and Babylon. 10

From such a great range of political, commercial, and artistic contacts, one might have expected that a special and distinct epoch of Orientalizing influence at Sardis would precede the dominance of Greek models. Yet unlike Phrygia, which in the later eighth and seventh century B.C. had an artistic phase that was directly influenced by the “Late Hittite” principalities Urartu and Assyria — an influence reflected in sculpture and distinguished by magnificent imports 11 — Lydia, as far as stone sculpture is concerned, presents itself from the beginning as a region of archaic Eastern Greek art.

The best Lydian sculptural work was probably done in the precious materials, gold and silver, and, given the Lydian interest in metallurgy, possibly in bronze as well. The few examples of small-scale gold sculpture preserved, the tiny earring with a ram of ca. 600 B.C. and the four little lions in Istanbul and Oxford, seem to be of high quality. 12 The little bronzes of hawks, ibexes, and boars represent types of which we have almost no counterparts in stone. Sculpture in pottery technique such as a wild bearded man and a Persianizing(?) Lydian 13 was experimental and colorful, and the mould-made architectural terracottas which adorned the buildings constituted a comprehensive vehicle for narrative and decorative functions. 14

If we consider the half century after the Persian capture of Sardis, in ca. 547 B.C., as still “Lydian” in terms of art and culture, the number of pieces assignable to the Lydian era is between thirty and forty. Unlike the great sanctuaries of Eastern Greece, the Heraion of Samos and the temple of Apollo at Didyma, 15 Sardis has yielded no treasure trove of archaic sculpture in one area, either sacred or public. Finds made by the first Sardis expedition in the precinct of Artemis and dated largely to the Hellenistic and Roman eras were not abundant. With only one set of lions (Cat. nos. 27, 28, 29, Figs. 105-117) and one stele (Cat. no. 47, Figs. 153, 154) found in their original positions, and only one piece found in a probably original stratified context (Cat. no. 16, Figs. 68, 69) Sardian sculpture contributes few chronological check points.

Iconographically, the material of the Lydian era is spotty and uneven. Nonetheless, some distinctive features emerge. The prominence of lions, which constitute approximately one third of all the sculpture of the Lydian and Persian eras, and a relatively consistent representation of sepulchral and votive stelai afford enough material to treat these groups as continuous developments within these periods (see “On Lions,” “On Stelai” infra).

Draped female figures, shown as goddesses or as votaries, far outrank male figures—with some eight representations of very diversified types (Cat. nos. 3-11, Figs. 9-62). It is striking that at least three of these are representations which enframe frontal figures in temple-like settings (Cat. nos. 6, 7, 9, Figs. 16-19, 20-50, 58-60).

One Lydian claim to iconographic invention must be revoked. In 1905, L. Curtius proposed a double-herm statue of kouros type from Sardis in Berlin as the ancestor of the archaic Greek herms (Cat. no. 249, Figs. 431, 432). He dated it around the mid-sixth century B.C. and thus earlier than the earliest stone herms known in Greek sculpture. The piece has since been convincingly identified as part of a Roman fence of herms, 16 but it may reproduce an archaic original. In any case, one can discern a Lydian taste for a mixture of relief and plastic figures in the small priestesses(?) with back pillars (Cat. nos. 4, 5, Figs. 11, 12, 13, 14, 15).

As to the use of relief proper in friezes of metopal panels, our idea of Lydian capabilities would be very slight were it not for the astonishing display of eighteen reliefs on the Cybele shrine (Cat. no. 7, Figs. 20-50). They represent a procession of priestesses to the image of Cybele, heraldic lions, dancing komasts and maenads, and six mythological scenes, of which Herakles and the Nemaean lion, Peleus in the tree, and Pelops on a chariot may be identified. These seem to have been painted panels in shallow relief, rising three stories high, perhaps in imitation of Babylonian wall-high decoration. 17 Thus, the miserable state of survival of Sardian sculpture may lead to treacherous mistakes: only the discovery of this temple model makes the Lydians known as experimenters and leaders in the formulation of Greek architectural sculpture.

Turning to the historical development of style, we must first ask whether or not there was an Orientalizing phase that drew on Near Eastern and “Late Hittite” rather than Eastern Greek prototypes. Among the Sardian sculpture there are four borderline cases, all of them dating between ca. 620 and 575 B.C. The monotonous frieze of deer (Cat. no. 230 Fig. 400) is clearly not Greek in its repetitiousness. R. D. Barnett cited it as one of the proofs for the existence of a Lydian school of ivory sculptors, 18 presumably in direct dependence on Phoenician ivorists such as were active at Ephesus. The same school may have produced the ivory head found at Sardis. 19 Ephesian ivories again and “Late Hittite” reliefs can provide parallels for the “laughing lion” from the Synagogue (Cat. no. 26, Figs. 102, 103, 104), but one might also compare him to the “kissing lions” of a Lydian vase painting — both are distinguished by the same kind of folkloric charm and bonhomie. Such vase paintings are dated to the first quarter of the sixth century B.C. by C. H. Greenewalt, jr., 20 who has been able to distinguish an Orientalizing Sardis style within the general Greek style having Wild Goat decoration.

Matters are somewhat clearer with the Anatolian image of a goddess (Kore?) known through a copy on a Roman column capital (Cat. no. 194, Fig. 344) and the little head with a crown (polos), again of a goddess — perhaps with a monster bird on the crown (Cat. no. 3, Figs. 9, 10). In both cases, the attire is clearly Anatolian, but the general style and concept of a small divine image is much the same as that of the beautiful seventh century wooden Hera of Samos. 21

Since some works of metal sculpture (gold ram, silver and bronze hawks, bronze ibex) 22 do not depend on Greek models, we must keep an open mind toward the possibility of direct stimuli from the Near East. However, at the moment it appears that between ca. 650 and 575 B.C., there was a phase of Lydian stone sculpture which was Orientalizing in style yet essentially dependent on Eastern Greek mediation of Near Eastern models, rather than on direct contacts with the Near East.

Ephesian ivories and Samian marble statues have provided the models for the strange little marble priestesses and the snake goddess datable from ca. 580 to 530 B.C. (Cat. nos. 4, 5, 6, Figs. 11-19). Henceforth the Eastern Greek schools of sculpture constitute the framework within which Lydian sculpture moves. There is, however, a striking difference between the majestic over-lifesize women by the "Cheramyes Master" of Samos 23 and the Lydian naiskos statuettes measuring one third of lifesize or less. The naiskos reliefs themselves pose a problem: while such enframing shrines with frontal images are known especially in connection with Cybele at Kyme and in Miletus, earlier examples may have occurred in Phrygia — a reminder that artistic forms and religious iconography need not always come from the same direction. 24

We are still uncertain about the identification and the iconography of early Lydian divinities — a moon goddess(?), a snake goddess, a lion goddess, a hawk divinity, a goddess(?) with necklace are represented in stone and metal. They may be Kore, Cybele (both together with snakes and lions on Cat. no. 7, Figs. 20-50), and the Lydian equivalent of Aphrodite (Cat. no. 9, Figs. 58, 59, 60). No male Lydian Zeus (Levs) or any other god has been identified in Lydian stone sculpture. One wonders whether he might be represented by the strange bearded head forming the upper part of a clay jug. 25 Though scholars repeatedly identify with Artemis the potnia theron shown on Sardian terracottas and stamp seals, 26 in the only certain representation of Artemis at Sardis she appears with a stag (Cat. no. 20, Figs. 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83). It is Cybele who owns the lions not only on the votive reliefs (Cat. nos. 20, 21, 26 Figs. 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 102, 103, 104) but above all on her altar (Cat. nos. 27, 28, 29, Figs. 105-117) in the gold refinery area on the Pactolus. According to Sophocles, too, it was the Mountain Mother, Cybele, seated on lions, who ruled over the gold rich Pactolus. 27 The only argument for a connection of Artemis and lions at Sardis is the monument of Nannas (Cat. nos. 235, 236, Figs. 405, 406, 407, 408, 409) and it does not really prove anything for the Lydian period.

The same uncertainty — sacred to Artemis or sacred to Cybele — arises with respect to a bird of prey. Its stone statue, identified as an eagle, formed part of the unreliable Nannas monument in the Artemis Precinct (Cat. no. 238, Figs. 413, 414, 415). A similar bird of silver was found in an archaic grave and described as a hawk, and according to Lydian inscriptions, graves were protected by Artemis. An example in bronze, however, was found near the altar of Kuvava (Cybele). 28

To return to style, the one clear influence from mainland Greece in the first half of the sixth century B.C. is that of Corinth. One may discern it in the goddess with a polos (Cat. no. 3 Figs. 9, 10). It is also prominent in the Main Avenue lions (Cat. nos. 31, 32, 33, Figs. 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, ca. 560 to 550 B.C.) and in the reliefs of the Cybele shrine executed ca. 530 B.C. (but the buildings and the reliefs shown might be earlier, Cat. no. 7, Figs. 20-50). This artistic link to Corinth jibes well with the stories of friendship between King Alyattes and the tyrant Periander of Corinth. And it was the treasury of the Corinthians at Delphi where the presents of the Lydian kings were kept. 29

In this assessment of Greek regions which influenced Sardian sculpture we may be underestimating the Aeolid. There seem to be various connections in vase painting and terracotta reliefs between Sardis and the cities north of Smyrna. The peculiar "sea lion" head used on the lions of the Kuvava altar (ca. 570-560 B.C., Cat. nos. 27, 28, 29, Figs. 105-117) seems to be imitated from phokai, the seals of Phokaia 30 and the earliest and most beautiful of Lydian stelai may have been fashioned after stelai from the Aeolid rather than Samos (Cat. no. 45, Figs. 148, 149).

The kouros, or nude male youth, focal subject of Greek sculpture on the mainland and represented by important examples at the Eastern Greek sanctuaries of Samos and Didyma, 31 is only doubtfully attested at Sardis and perhaps only in the fifth century. A bit of hair (Cat. no. 14, Fig. 66) may be archaic, 540 to 520 B.C., but the stele Cat. no. 232 (Fig. 402) and the fragment Cat. no. 15 (Fig. 67) probably date after 500 B.C. The only archaic draped torso in the round (Cat. no. 8, Figs. 51, 52, 53, 54) is controversial it may be a maiden or a standing male mantle figure, much favored in the Eastern Greek sculptural repertory (see Figs. 55, 56, 57).

The closest parallel to the seated male figure on the late archaic stele of Atrastas (Cat. no. 17, Figs. 70, 71) comes from Rhodes, which was artistically in the Eastern Greek ambient. A file of horsemen on squat horses (Cat. no. 231, Fig. 401), very different from the elongated relief horsemen on a Lydian vase of the seventh century, 32 may belong to the Persian rather than to the Lydian era.

As to monsters and animals other than lions, we may have an archaic female siren (Cat. no. 40, Figs. 139, 140, 141) and an archaic headless recumbent sphinx (Cat. no. 41, Figs. 142, 143). A bird of prey holding a hare or rabbit may be a hawk or an eagle (Cat. no. 238, Figs. 413, 414, 415). An archaic frog (Cat. no. 43, Fig. 146) may come from a fountain.

The earliest sphinx sejant is apparently of the fifth century (Cat. no. 239, Figs. 416, 417, 418). It is a double-sided animal, as is natural for the support of a throne such double-sided creatures occur also among early archaic lions (Cat. no. 23, Figs. 87, 88, 89). This double-sidedness is not always easily explained. It m a y be a Lydian predilection, for it occurs not only on the enigmatic black-lava fragment of a winged monster (?) Cat. no. 16 (Figs. 68, 69) but also on a large double-sided relief of a lion (unpublished) found at Hypaepa. 33

Croesus gave figured columns to the temple of Artemis at Ephesus and he confirmed their dedications with inscriptions in Lydian and Greek. Something of this bilingual quality seems to have entered into the school of sculpture which formed at the huge project, a school that one might call Lydo-Ephesian. It seems to be distinguished by a certain heavy fleshiness of form and luxury of costume. 34 Apart from the recumbent Nannas lion (Cat. no. 236, Figs. 407, 408, 409), its style is best illustrated by the mantle torso in Manisa (Cat. no. 8 Figs. 51, 52, 53, 54). Having begun in the 550s, the style and the school did not go out of existence with the downfall of Croesus in 547 B.C. but continued as the huge task of decorating the giant temple progressed — with the recognizable Croesan phase lasting perhaps until 525 B.C. 35 At least the image of the Cybele shrine (Cat. no. 7, Figs. 20-50) maybe counted as a document of that late Croesan phase.

What then was Lydian sculpture? Perhaps we have not as yet enough material to characterize it, and its very closeness to the Eastern Greek schools makes it difficult to discern sustained Lydian traits. We can see, however, that some Lydian pieces tend to be more linear than the Greek models, others seem softer and more massive. Among the stone sculpture preserved, we do not find an evocation of Lydian luxury as vivid and detailed as in the painted terracottas. 36 Some un-Greek traits may be detected in the attire of the little priestesses and of the Manisa "kore" (Cat. nos. 4, 5, 8, Figs. 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 51, 52, 53, 54). These maidens add to the repertoire of Sardian stone sculpture an Anatolian flavor that distinguishes it from the creations of the Samians or Milesians. Sardian stone sculpture cannot be considered merely a provincial offshoot of the Eastern Greek, characterized only negatively by a lack of skill. 37

In contrast to the rustic linearism and caricaturel-ike misunderstandings of Greek models one finds in Phrygian sculpture farther inland, Sardian work through the sixth century B.C. is of the same general technical competence as Greek. From the Cybele shrine (Cat. no. 7, Figs. 20-50) and other fragments we surmise that the leading Lydian sculptors, the colleagues of Glaukos and Theodoros, were among the pioneers in formulating both the Ionic order and Ionic sculptural types — possibly lions, mantle figures, and stelai. They were thus among the leading artists of their time. In a remarkable social cleavage, this "high class" Lydian art is quite distinct from a lower level of sculpture that has a kind of naive and expressive folkloric charm, especially in the representations of animals, a charm that is also encountered in Lydian vase painting. However, even on this folk level Lydian sculpture never becomes wholly un-Greek and barbarous.

Restored altar at PN with casts of lions 27 (S67.016), 28 (S67.032), and 29 (S67.033) in place, looking S. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Recumbent lion on plinth, SW corner of altar, in situ. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Chamber tomb stele, now lost. Plan and elevation of chamber tomb showing placement of stelai (From Sardis I (1922) ill. 178) ()

Chamber tomb stele, now lost. ()

Two-sided relief fragment with folds or feathers. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Two-sided relief fragment with folds or feathers. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Small crowned female head, front. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Upper part of under-lifesize female torso. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Fragment of a goddess holding a snake (?) standing in columnar shrine, "South kore." (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Fragment of a goddess holding a snake (?) standing in columnar shrine, "South kore," column fragment. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Monument in the form of a shrine decorated with reliefs, with goddess standing in front, "Cybele shrine" (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Monument in the form of a shrine decorated with reliefs, with goddess standing in front, "Cybele shrine," Panel R. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of frontal standing draped female figure. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of frontal standing draped female figure, drawing. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Double-sided herm with kouros figure on one side and herm on the other, Berlin Staatliche Museen 883. ()

Double-sided herm with kouros figure on one side and herm on the other, Berlin Staatliche Museen 883, drawing from Berlin Beschreibung, 354, no. 883. ()

Lower part of Archaic kore, "North kore" (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower part of Archaic kore, "North kore," side view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower part of small Archaic kore. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower part of small Archaic kore, side view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower part of small Archaic kore, back view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Frieze with grazing deer, British Museum, B 270. ()

Lion couchant, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion couchant, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion couchant, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Anatolian goddess. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Small, crowned female head, profile view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of frontal standing draped female figure, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, reconstruction drawing of naiskos. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, 3/4 view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, detail of Artemis. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, detail of Cybele. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, detail of two worshippers. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of Cybele seated with lion in her lap and at her feet. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of Cybele seated with lion in her lap and at her feet, 3/4 view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion sejant from Nannas monument, Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.59.9, left profile. ()

Lion sejant from Nannas monument, Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.59.9, back. ()

Recumbent lion from Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4028, shown as excavated by the first Sardis expedtion, front. (Howard Crosby Butler Archive, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University)

Recumbent lion from Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4028, shown as excavated by the first Sardis expedtion, back. (Howard Crosby Butler Archive, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University)

Lion sejant and recumbent lion from Nannas monument, in situ. (Howard Crosby Butler Archive, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University)

Bird of prey (eagle?) holding a hare, from the Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4032. ()

Bird of prey (eagle?) holding a hare, from the Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4032, three-quarter view. ()

Bird of prey (eagle?) holding a hare, from the Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4032, back. ()

Large recumbent lion, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Large recumbent lion, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Large recumbent lion, front. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Large recumbent lion, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Fragment of colossal lion's foot. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion's right foot on plinth. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Anthemion (finial). (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Anthemion (finial), back. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Fragment of Archaic kouros head. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief with head of bearded man, Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.199.278 ()

Back of male head. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

"Mantle-Wearer," kore (?) Manisa 325, front. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

"Mantle-Wearer," kore (?) Manisa 325, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

"Mantle-Wearer," kore (?) Manisa 325, back. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

"Mantle-Wearer," kore (?) Manisa 325, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Draped youth from Myus, Berlin, Staatliche Museen, SK 1664, front. (Photo from Arachne (http://arachne.dainst.org))

Draped youth from Myus, Berlin, Staatliche Museen, SK 1664, right side. (Photo from Arachne (http://arachne.dainst.org))

Draped youth from Myus, Berlin, Staatliche Museen, SK 1664, back. (Photo from Arachne (http://arachne.dainst.org))

Inscribed stele with seated man (Atrastas, son of Sakardas), Manisa 1. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Inscribed stele with seated man (Atrastas, son of Sakardas), Manisa 1, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Frieze of horsemen, British Museum B 269. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower part of archaic siren, front. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower part of archaic siren, back. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lower part of archaic siren, side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Headless recumbent sphinx, Manisa 311, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Headless recumbent sphinx, Manisa 311, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief fragment of frog and support. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Sphinx, presumably part of a throne or seat, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4031, left profile. ()

Sphinx, presumably part of a throne or seat, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4031, right profile. ()

Sphinx, presumably part of a throne or seat, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4031, front. ()

Double-sided relief with archaic lion sejant, side view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Double-sided relief with archaic lion sejant, side view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Double-sided relief with archaic lion sejant, top view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

The Persian Era (546-334 B.C.)

We have no sculptured monuments that can be linked to either the capture of Sardis in 547 B.C. by the Persians or the burning of Sardis in 499 B.C. by the Ionians and Athenians. Even though the Persians overthrew Croesus in 547 B.C. and both Cyrus and Darius took Lydian masons and probably sculptors as well to Iran to build their palaces, 38 there is no indication that Persian influence became strong immediately. 39 Perhaps it did not become effective until the late sixth century.

Eventually, as Sardis became virtually the capital of the western part of the Persian Empire, the satrapal court of Sardis emerged as a center for the production of seals and jewelry in Iranian Achaemenid court style. 40 They were made not only for satraps and their families but for the many people who took part in the administration of the empire: people with Iranian names like Mitrastas and Atranes but who wrote Lydian not only in their official documents but also on their seals 41 people with Lydian names like Manes, son of Kumlis (Cat. no. 241, Fig. 420) who used both Aramaic and Lydian in their inscriptions and dated them by the regnal years of the Persian kings 42 and people with Lydian names like Bakivas, Sivams, and Manes who used seals with purely official Persian iconography. 43 Finally there were those with Lydian names like Nannas who wrote Lydian and Greek (Cat. no. 274, Fig. 465).

In glyptic art, it is possible to discern the large groupings of essentially Iranian-inspired and essentially Greek-inspired art. 44 The situation is much less clear in sculpture, where, to be sure, only some twenty pieces can be assigned to the Persian period. Was there a satrapal school of sculpture at Sardis? The resemblance of the anthemion stele Cat. no. 46 (Figs. 150, 151) to the Daskylion stele (Fig. 152) and of stele Cat. no. 45 (Figs. 148, 149) to Persian ornament suggests that there were connections with the satrapal residence at Daskylion — and figurative scenes, Persian in their iconography, may have been known at Sardis as they were at Daskylion. In subject matter and customs the little pediment from a mausoleum-temple of a high official family (Cat. no. 18 Figs. 72, 73, 74) may be accounted a satrapal document. 45 To this Persian-influenced aspect may also belong the horsemen file from Bin Tepe (Cat. no. 231, Fig. 401). A tantalizing fragment of a figure in Oriental attire (Cat. no. 13, Fig. 65) hints that large-scale architectural sculpture did exist.

Epigraphic and literary sources indicate that images of Zeus Baradates (Ahura Mazda) and Artemis Anahita were worshipped at Sardis, but no representations in sculpture have been found that may be identified with certainty nor have we found any representations of fire priests. 46 A stele in Izmir (Cat. no. 233, Fig. 403, ca. 450-425 B.C.) showing a woman is also the only stone relief that seems to reflect direct influence from Persian palace reliefs in the rendering of drapery with the peculiar central fold. The same rendering appears on seals attributed to Sardis. 47

All of these monuments show some traits responding to Persian taste, but none of the stone monuments is done in Persian court style as clearly as are the Sardian seals, nor have we found in stone sculpture of this period such Persian themes as bearded sphinxes or lion griffins. The overall style of stone sculpture is closer to Greek.

The subject of m a n and wife at a funerary meal, beloved by the Persians, reappears toward the very end of the period on the stele of Atrastas, son of Timles (Cat. no. 234, Fig. 404), dated in the fifth year of the rule of Alexander the Great (330-329 B.C.). It shows the sculptor slipping into a linear, possibly late Achaemenid/Anatolian folkloric style. 48

To turn now to the sources of the predominant Greek influences, the sculpture of the later sixth century permits a choice between Eastern Greek or Athenian influence, notably in the portrayals of the korai type with the large central fold (Cat. nos. 7, 9, Figs. 33, 34, 39, 58, 59, 60). Historically, it is not implausible to think of Athens as a source. Alcmaeon, head of the art loving Alcmaeonid family, who rebuilt the temple of Apollo in Delphi after 546 B.C., had visited Croesus, 49 and the sons of Peisistratos maintained close relations with the Persian satraps at Sardis. Quite a number of Attic black-figure vases were imported into Sardis between 560 and 480 B.C. And Attic works of art were brought to Sardis as booty in 480 B.C.: for example, the bronze statue of a water carrier originally dedicated by Themistocles in Athens (see Ch. III, “Literary and Epigraphic Evidence”, no. 11). To the Attic tradition, too, may belong a fragment of an early classical male head (Cat. no. 15, Fig. 67).

For the period between ca. 500 and 430 B.C. we may discern two major stylistic sources. One is the non-Attic style of the Greek islands, which encompassed not only the Cyclades but also Rhodes and Knidos. It is difficult to draw a clear line between these Cycladic-Boeotian stelai and the "soft style" of the Eastern Greek, Ionian school whose influence certainly extended into northern Greece (Thasos, Dikaia) as well as into southern Asia Minor (Lycia). 50 At Sardis, the influence of the soft style is attested for ca. 500 B.C. by an animal frieze fragment (Cat. no. 22, Fig. 86) and a stele fragment with male head (Cat. no. 232, Fig. 402). Even though it is not from Sardis, the early classical "Borgia stele" of ca. 470-460 B.C. (Cat. no. 269) is a good illustration of immediate Eastern Greek affiliations. Then comes the satrapal pediment (Cat. no. 18, Figs. 72, 73, 74) of ca. 430 B.C. Its obvious relation is to the great masterpiece of Eastern Greek soft style in the service of Persian officialdom, the so-called Satrap Sarcophagus from Sidon. 51 Artists working in this Greek soft style but with Persian iconography may have produced the highest level of sculpture among the satrapal courts also at Sardis. 52

The two pieces dependent on inspiration from the Cycladic-Thessalian-Boeotian circle are the votive stele Cat. no. 19 (Figs. 75, 76, 77) and the Persianizing sepulchral stele Cat. no. 233 (Fig. 403) which in overall design is so strangely close to the stele of Polyxenaia from Larissa in Thessaly 53 (see infra, “On Stelai”). Both stelai date from ca. 450-425 B.C. One might have expected that the bitter fighting in western Asia Minor during the later years of the Peloponnesian War and prior to the King's Peace (386 B.C.) adversely affected Greek influences in art, but this does not seem to be the case. The bilingual Aramaic-Lydian stele of Manes, son of Kumlis, presumably a Persian official, dated 394 B.C. by regnal years of Artaxerxes, follows closely in the design of its anthemion the Attic decorative vocabulary of the late classical phase (Cat. no. 241, Fig. 420). Attic influence is also paramount among other stelai, votive and sepulchral (see infra, “On Stelai,” Cat. nos. 20, 21, 240, 242, Figs. 78-85, 419, 421).

The later, more naturalistic lions from Sardis (Cat. nos. 25, 38, 39, Figs. 92-101, 135-138) also seem to depend on Attic models. 54 One example demonstrates the possible influence of the great Mausoleum style 55 created chiefly under the impulse of Skopas in Asia Minor (ca. 360-350 B.C. cf. Cat. no. 38, Figs. 135, 136).

The scattered marble fragments offer little encouragement for iconographic research. The most interesting problem concerns the typology of Cybele. One type of Cybele can be reconstructed as showing the goddess possibly standing and flanked by two pairs of seated lions (Cat. no. 25, Figs. 92-101). A second type of standing Cybele, holding a lion to her breast with one arm, and a standing Artemis holding a stag are reflected on a stele (Cat. no. 20, Figs. 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83), both apparently fashioned after statues of the mid-fifth century. Finally, the votive relief Cat. no. 21 (Figs. 84, 85) exhibits a third type, a variation on the famous seated Cybele image made by Agorakritos in the late fifth century. It was perhaps this last image that Sophocles hymned as seated on lions, and Timotheos envisioned as wearing a chiton with black leaves. 56 The three types may represent three successive images of the goddess in her famous Metroon burned by the Greeks in 499 B.C. but apparently reconstructed before 465. 57

Finally, during the later part of the Persian era (ca. 450-330 B.C.) in the admittedly spotty array of sculptured work found at Sardis, we may perceive a decline in artistic quality to the level of reasonable but somewhat provincial competence, with Eastern Greece, the Cyclades, and subsequently Athens providing the principal models.

Anthemion with Lydian-Aramaic bilingual, stele of Manes, son of Kumlis, Izmir Archaeological Museum 691. (Howard Crosby Butler Archive, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University)

Bilingual dedication of Nannas Bakivalis to Artemis. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Fragment of anthemion. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Fragment of anthemion, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele from Daskylion, Istanbul Archaeological Museum ()

Anthemion (finial). (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Anthemion (finial), back. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Part of a pediment. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Part of a pediment, detail of ornament. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Part of a pediment, projection drawing of pediment block. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Frieze of horsemen, British Museum B 269. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Shoulder of colossal draped figure. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with praying woman, Izmir Archaeological Museum 690 (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Funerary stele of Atrastas, son of Timles, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4030 ()

Monument in the form of a shrine decorated with reliefs, with goddess standing in front, "Cybele shrine," Panel A. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Monument in the form of a shrine decorated with reliefs, with goddess standing in front, "Cybele shrine," Panel B. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Monument in the form of a shrine decorated with reliefs, with goddess standing in front, "Cybele shrine," Panel H. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of frontal standing draped female figure. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of frontal standing draped female figure, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of frontal standing draped female figure, drawing. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Back of male head. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Fragment of Archaic relief with part of running animal. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief with head of bearded man, Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.199.278 ()

Stele with veiled frontal female. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with veiled frontal female, L. side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with veiled frontal female, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of Cybele seated with lion in her lap and at her feet, 3/4 view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Part of sepulchral stele with palmette anthemion, Izmir Archaeological Museum 695. (top fragment only) ()

Funerary stele with Lydian inscription and rounded palmette anthemion, stele of Alikres, son of Karos, Izmir Archaeological Museum 694. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lions A and B. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lion A from above. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Walking lion, Manisa 306, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Part of frame with walking lion. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Walking lion, Manisa 306, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, reconstruction drawing of naiskos. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, 3/4 view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, detail of Artemis. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, detail of Cybele. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Stele with Artemis, Cybele, and two worshippers, detail of two worshippers. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of Cybele seated with lion in her lap and at her feet. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

On Lions

The Lydians suffered from a regular leontomania. Out of the small lot of sculpture published here twenty-one are lions. The great goddess Cybele (or whatever native goddess preceded her) has lions as her attributes as early as the famous fourteenth or thirteenth century B.C. relief near Manisa. 58 The story of Meles (Herodotus 1.84) seems to indicate that under the Heraklid dynasty the lion was a protecting symbol of the royal house. It is doubtful that the stories about Herakles, whose lion skin was taken by Queen Omphale, have any real bearing on this choice of the lion as royal coat of arms as T. L. Shear had suggested. 59 Rather the lion was the representative of the great goddess (Cybele) who protected the royal house.

The lion alone appears as a royal symbol on early Lydian coins (late seventh century) from Croesus on, the foreparts of a lion and a bull are used, an abbreviation of a group showing a lion overcoming a bull. 60 As proved by the relief Cat. no. 21 (Figs. 84, 85), at Sardis the lion was considered an attribute of Cybele the association with Artemis is less certain. 61 Croesus dedicated a gold lion to Apollo of Delphi (see Ch. III, “Literary and Epigraphic Evidence”, no. 6), and Cahn has argued that lions were also sacred to a Lydian Apollo. 62 The appearance of lions on non-royal seals is evidence for a more general protective or symbolic ("courageous like a lion") function. 63

As to archaeological evidence for function, the double-sided relief Cat. no. 23 (Figs. 87, 88, 89) was probably part of the throne for an image the two classical lion pairs Cat. no. 25 (Figs. 92-101) were possibly flanking an image. The classical relief Cat. no. 39 (Figs. 137, 138) is perhaps from a frame for a small image. In all these cases, Cybele is the most likely divinity.

In architectural context, the two and a half lions Cat. nos. 27, 28, 29 (Figs. 105-117) belong to an altar of Cybele (Kuvava) dated by the excavator, Andrew Ramage, ca. 580-570 B.C. and are thus to be considered dedications. The most important lion spout, Cat. no. 237 (Figs. 410, 411, 412) belonged to a sacred structure — the temple or altar of Artemis is among the possibilities. The little archaic lion Cat. no. 36 (Fig. 133) is an acroterion, possibly from an archaic sarcophagus. The majestic lion found in the Main Avenue and its counterpart (Cat. nos. 31, 32, 33, Figs. 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124) might have been guardians of a gate.

It is unfortunate that the Nannas monument (see Cat. nos. 235, 236, 238, 274, Figs. 405-409, 413-415, 465, 466) can be taken as safe evidence only for late Roman taste. Set up in this form in the second or third century A.D., it proves that the late Romans considered lions and the eagle sacred to Artemis. H. von Gall has shown that such a grouping is attested for Cappadocian funerary monuments of the Persian era. 64 It is plausible to assume that the Romans collected the two lions and a bird of prey from the votives possibly overthrown by the floods in the Artemis Precinct. Given the fact, however, that the Nannas base was itself reused (and had initially carried a human figure), we cannot be sure that the combination of the seated and the recumbent lions with the eagle was original. There is, however, cause to conjecture that both types were originally presents to Artemis.

In Greece both the seated and the recumbent types of lion appeared on funerary monuments of the archaic and classical periods and the walking lion in those of the classical era. 65 Of special interest for Asia Minor is the column with recumbent lion inscribed Mikos Metrodoro in Ankara. 66 Thus far we have no evidence that this type of sepulchral lion monument existed at Sardis during the Lydian and Persian periods.

Most scholars seem to agree that Homer's poetry is sufficient proof that lions (probably the smaller Asiatic species) existed in western Asia Minor in early historical times. 67 The matter is of some interest both to explain the importance of the lion for the royal house — more plausible if based on firsthand experience or at least memory of the prowess of real lions — and to assess the renderings of lions in Lydian art.

Royal lion hunts were common in Assyria and possibly Babylon and Persia as well in the time when the Lydians had contact with Assur and Babylon, and the lion was used as the royal sign in these two cities. 68 In 480 B.C., during the Persian era, many Lydians who served in the army of Xerxes could have seen lions in action when they attacked the king's camel train in the southern Balkans (Thrace, Herodotus 7.125-126). Because lions were imported into Greece in the fourth century B.C., 69 it would not be unthinkable that satraps at Sardis, too, had lions imported for hunting. However, no lion bones were identified among the several thousand animal bones found in the Sardis excavations and examined by S. Doğuer and associates. 70

Although some correct observations appear, such as the dewclaw (small fifth toe or thumb on forefoot) in Cat. no. 25 (esp. Fig. 98), the Sardis lions seem to have been usually portrayed without benefit of life study. 71 Some "errors" imputed to artists need not be errors. It is certainly an error to show the lioness with a mane as in Cat. no. 34 (Figs. 125, 126, 127, 128, 129), but a young male lion until he is three to four years old (and apparently some even after that age) is maneless. 72

Akurgal has suggested that the type of lion portrayed on Lydian coins is a mixture of Assyrian, "Late Hittite," and Greek elements. 73 It seems plausible to assume a non-Greek, "Late Hittite" model for the earliest complete lion found at Sardis Cat. no. 26 (Figs. 102, 103, 104, ca. 600-570 B.C.). Thereafter, the likelihood that Greek models were imitated is considerable. Corinthian inspiration seems probable for the large lion Cat. no. 31 (Figs. 119, 120, 121, 122) and certain for the seated lions shown on the Ionic Cybele shrine Cat. no. 7 (Figs. 38, 42, 43).

The Eastern Greek standard recumbent lion type owes perhaps as much to Lydians as to Ionians. It seems to develop from the “Late Hittite” type 74 between 600 and 550 B.C. The lioness Cat. no. 34 (Figs. 125, 126, 127, 128, 129) is a delightful early Lydo-Ionian attempt at "scientific" naturalism, around mid-sixth century. The recumbent type was most likely the type of the golden lion of Croesus, as it recurs in golden jewelry of the Croesan era. 75

A peculiar feature of the altar lions Cat. nos. 27, 28, 29 (Figs.105-117, ca. 570-560 B.C.) is the small sea lion or seal-like heads. One wonders whether seals (phokai), so popular in Phokaia and Larisa, were taken as models for lion heads either in nature or possibly from terracotta sculpture. 76

The great lion found near the Synagogue (Cat. no. 31, Figs.119, 120, 121, 122) and the recumbent lion from the Nannas monument (Cat. no. 236, Figs. 407, 408, 409) turn their heads frontward. Their faces with rolling eyes suggest renewed contact with Assyrian-Babylonian tradition, presumably in the Croesan era. The recumbent type seems to have continued to the end of the sixth century B.C.

The seated lion from the Nannas monument (Cat. no. 235, Figs. 405, 406) and the double lions found in the Synagogue (Cat. no. 25, Figs. 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101) are valuable for a phase in the development of the seated type as yet little understood. Retaining archaic features, yet betraying knowledge of more naturalistic renderings of the classical age, they illustrate the transition toward classical lions during the fifth century B.C. It is not clear whether they are already inspired by, Greek mainland (especially Attic) lion types. 77 There is no such doubt about the walking lions Cat. nos. 38, 39 (Figs. 135, 136, 137, 138) which find close parallels in Attic monuments of the late fifth and fourth centuries B.C.

Considering that very typical Achaemenid lion sphinxes have been found in gold jewelry made in Sardis in the fifth century, 78 it is noteworthy that the stone sculpture tended to depict Greek, not Persian, lion types. With the decline of the Lydian culture and language, the popularity of lion statuary seems also to have waned in Lydia. At least, we have not found many Hellenistic or Roman examples.

Relief of Cybele seated with lion in her lap and at her feet. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Relief of Cybele seated with lion in her lap and at her feet, 3/4 view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Double-sided relief with archaic lion sejant, side view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Double-sided relief with archaic lion sejant, side view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Double-sided relief with archaic lion sejant, top view. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lions A and B. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lion A from above. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Part of frame with walking lion. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Part of frame with walking lion. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Restored altar at PN with casts of lions 27 (S67.016), 28 (S67.032), and 29 (S67.033) in place, looking S. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Recumbent lion on plinth, SW corner of altar, in situ. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion spout attached to rectangular member. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion spout attached to rectangular member, detail of lion. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion spout attached to rectangular member, drawing with elevations, top view, and section. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Acroterion (?), small recumbent lion from corner of archaic sarcophagus lid? (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Large recumbent lion, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Large recumbent lion, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Large recumbent lion, front. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Large recumbent lion, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Fragment of colossal lion's foot. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion's right foot on plinth. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion sejant from Nannas monument, Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.59.9, left profile. ()

Lion sejant and recumbent lion from Nannas monument, in situ. (Howard Crosby Butler Archive, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University)

Bird of prey (eagle?) holding a hare, from the Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4032. ()

Bird of prey (eagle?) holding a hare, from the Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4032, back. ()

Bilingual dedication of Nannas Bakivalis to Artemis. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Bilingual dedication of Nannas Bakivalis to Artemis, top. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lions C and D after restoration. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lioness, Manisa 303, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lioness, Manisa 303, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lioness, Manisa 303, front. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lioness, Manisa 303, back. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lioness, Manisa 303, detail showing clamp holes. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion couchant, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion couchant, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Lion couchant, detail. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Monument in the form of a shrine decorated with reliefs, with goddess standing in front, "Cybele shrine," R. side, drawing. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Monument in the form of a shrine decorated with reliefs, with goddess standing in front, "Cybele shrine," Panel K. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Monument in the form of a shrine decorated with reliefs, with goddess standing in front, "Cybele shrine," Panel L. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Recumbent lion from Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4028, shown as excavated by the first Sardis expedtion, front. (Howard Crosby Butler Archive, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University)

Recumbent lion from Nannas monument, Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4028, shown as excavated by the first Sardis expedtion, back. (Howard Crosby Butler Archive, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University)

Lion sejant from Nannas monument, Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.59.9, back. ()

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lion B. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lion B. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lions C and D in situ near Synagogue apse. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lions D and C. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lions D and C after restoration. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lion C. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Pair of addorsed lions sejant, Lion C, right profile. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Walking lion, Manisa 306, right side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

Walking lion, Manisa 306, left side. (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)

On Stelai

The Iliad tells how the Greeks, the Trojans, and the Lycians poured big mounds over their dead and set upon them signs or pillars, semata or stelai, as an honor to the dead. 79 Like the Lycians, the Phrygians and Lydians also poured big earthen mounds over the burials of their kings and princes. 80 In Lydia, the stone markers found over the mound burials seem to have been principally of the so-called phallic or bud type, a circular pillar with a global or oval top. So far, we have no certain report of a rectangular, slab-like stele crowning a Lydian mound. 81

The most popular kind of sepulchral monument in Greece from Geometric times on, the stele or rectangular slab or pillar, is abundantly represented in Lydia, both in decorated and inscribed examples. 82 As far as we know, however, no rude, irregular stelai of a primitive kind have been found at Sardis, as they were at Neandria where a seventh century B.C. date has been suggested. 83

On the present evidence, Lydian stelai have been found only in association with rock-cut chamber tombs. We do not know when the first rock-cut chamber tombs of Sardis were made a study of pottery finds indicates that late seventh century might be the earliest possible date. 84 A chamber tomb, which was built of masonry between 600 and 650 B.C., appeared in the mound of King Alyattes, the only royal burial discovered so far. 85

H. C. Butler, who excavated over a thousand Lydian graves, including several hundred chamber tombs, found only two sepulchers with their stelai in place. One of them, Cat. no. 47, presented a most impressive appearance in its original state (Figs. 153, 154). Two mighty limestone pillars, about 10 feet (ca. 3 m.) high, with beautiful floral finials flanked a stair of limestone blocks leading to the facade of the tomb. This arrangement was late archaic, around 500-480 B.C. It may have had parallels and forerunners in Eastern Greece. Thus two flanking stelai, with figures of the deceased, are said to have adorned the tomb facade to which the famous Borgia stele in Naples belongs (Cat. no. 269). 86 A symmetrical arrangement of two lions decorated the chamber tomb of a nobleman or ruler at Kazar Tepe, 87 at Miletus.

The second stele found by Butler in situ was a small (H. 0.965) inscribed pillar placed at the corner of a chamber tomb "beside and at the end of a long dromos." The date is not before the fifth century B.C., on epigraphic grounds. 88

Finally, Butler seems to have observed some instances in which marble stelai were found inside tomb chambers: "these had been preserved but the color designs had disappeared." 89

The early example, Cat. no. 47, found in situ had a very wide and shallow base from which the shaft rose (Fig. 154), but later examples probably had the type of base known for votive stelai. 90

The real history of the stele at Sardis begins with two decorated anthemia, Cat. nos. 45 and 46 (Figs. 148, 149, 150, 151). By that time the marvelous basic shape of a tall shallow pillar crowned by two Ionic volutes and harmoniously terminated by a palmette had been created, very possibly in Eastern Greece, by combining floral architectural acroteria, based in turn on metal ornament, with the tall monument of stone. 91 The question of origins is complicated. On the one hand, majestic, artistically fashioned sepulchral stelai with cavetto floral profile surmounted by a sphinx were used on the Greek mainland since before 600 B.C. On the other hand, the earliest palmette-crowned examples seem to be Eastern Greek, already early archaic. 92 According to Buschor the palmette volute stele was invented in Samos around 570 B.C. 93 Perhaps we should assume that, as with vase painting, the same artistic problem — that of a majestic stone memorial — was taken up in different ways on the mainland and in Eastern Greece, with the mainland creating and developing the stele with human figures and the Eastern Greek artists favoring the use of Orientalizing floral decorative effects. Masterpieces of floral design appear around the middle of the sixth century in the Aeolid and on the island of Samos.

The Lydian examples depend on these Eastern Greek creations. Thus our earliest preserved finial, the masterly stele from the Pactolus Valley (Cat. no. 45, Figs. 148, 149), is closely patterned on the beautiful Calvert stele from the Troad. 94 The Lydian stelai show enough divergencies from the Samian examples to indicate that a local Sardian taste and local typology established themselves soon perhaps Greek masters did the earliest examples, now lost to us, but I do not believe with Friis-Johansen 95 that Ionian sculptors carved such stelai as the late archaic, and possibly retardataire, example Cat. no. 47 (Figs. 153, 154).

The characteristic features of the Sardian stelai may be elucidated by comparing them with the comprehensive Samian series. 96 The development at Sardis is continuous and leads from mid-archaic to late classical sculpture.

Many Samian stelai express an innate sense of architectural geometry by emphasizing the top palmette as a vertical element and treating the two volutes as a horizontal base with the volutes projecting sideways beyond the palmette in the manner of the volutes of an Ionic capital. 97 The earliest Sardian stele gathers all elements of the anthemion into one all-encompassing oval (Cat. no. 45, Figs. 148, 149), and this tendency to treat the finial as a compact unit continues in Lydian stelai of the later fifth and earlier fourth centuries B.C. (Cat. nos. 240, 241, 242, Figs. 419, 420, 421). The effect is softer, heavier than in Samos. Possible exceptions, in which the outside of the stele was carved in various curves that followed the ornament, are the stele from Tomb 813 (Cat. no. 47, Figs. 153, 154) of ca. 500-480 B.C. and Cat. no. 48 (Figs. 155, 156), ca. 450 B.C. but even in these the volutes do not seem to have projected sideways beyond the stele shaft as in Samos. Nor do we ever find on Sardian stelai the sharp, geometric termination of volutes against the sides, a rather inorganic solution not uncommon on Samos. 98

Two features that occurred in Samos briefly are much favored on Sardian stelai: a light convex rise of the "body" of the volute and a rich, rather wide edging (called "pulvinated bands" by H. C. Butler). They are traits of archaic, almost Orientalizing taste for broad decorative effects. And the survival of the broad framing bands and two voluted stems growing antithetically out of the ground gives to the otherwise "modern" stele of 394 B.C. a kind of grandfatherly charm, as a glance at Cat. no. 45 (Figs. 148, 149), the archaic prototype, will show.

When it comes to general types of finial design, Samos does not seem to have the antithetic volute stem composition in Sardis, in the fifth century, it was developed into a design in which the lower ends of volutes placed diagonally into the corner acquire a leaf-like shape (Cat. no. 49, Fig. 157). This, too, does not seem to have been popular on Samos. 99 On the other hand, the so-called lyre capital, which had appeared on Samos ca. 540-530 B.C. and in Athens ca. 530 B.C. 100 is known at Sardis only in a fifth century example (Cat. no. 48, Figs. 155, 156). 101

Thus, while Sardis stelai carvers clearly represent a Lydian dialect, the beauty of Lydian ornament seems to be due to direct contact with Eastern Greek masters. Unfortunately, neither Miletus 102 nor Ephesus, which on historical grounds is the most likely immediate source for Sardis, 103 has produced any extensive collections of stelai comparable to Samos. At present, the Samian stelai appear to be closest to those from Sardis. We know that Samian artists worked for Lydian kings: Theodoros made a silver crater for Croesus. 104 Therefore, direct influence of Samian designs is entirely possible.

Because marble technique and design of marble monuments go together, we have assumed that the Lydian sculptors depended on the decorative vocabulary of Eastern Greece yet in gold and jewelry and bronze metal work, the same volutes, palmettes, rosettes, and lotuses were designed and executed by artists working in the Achaemenid Persian court style at Sardis 105 in the late sixth and fifth centuries B.C Recently, some stelai have come to light at the satrapal residence of Daskylion which pose the question of a possible existence of a satrapal style in Asia Minor. 106 These stelai have anthemia of Greek type, but they also have figurative representations of funerary meals and processions of carts and horsemen. 107 The very close resemblance of one of the Daskylion finials (Fig. 152) to one from Sardis (Cat. no. 46, Figs. 151, 152) makes one wonder whether the Sardian stele, too, had similar Persianizing figurative representations. For the moment, we have no proof, but the Persian subject and special style of the pediment Cat. no. 18 (Figs. 72, 73, 74) lend probability to this assumption.

Most of the stelai found at Sardis are datable only by stylistic comparisons. The earliest (Cat. no. 45, Figs. 148, 149) represents the simpler taste of ca. 550-530 B.C. The brilliant, exaggerating, manneristic stage of Eastern Greek ornament is just beginning in Cat. no. 46 (Figs. 150, 151, ca. 530-520 B.C.). For the limestone stele of Tomb 813 (Cat. no. 47, Figs. 153, 154), which displays in its long, thin lotus an advanced, late archaic mannerism, 108 we can marshall new chronological evidence: one of the four burials in the chamber tomb contained a well-datable Attic vase of ca. 500-480 B.C. 109 The stele may thus be a work of the early fifth century, which shows both survival of mannerist ornament in Lydia into the fifth century B.C. and a linear, conservative touch in the actual execution.

Hitherto, the dating of the material from Sardis suggested a break between the series of archaic stelai reaching into the early fifth century B.C. and the emergence of floral decorative stelai in the late fifth, but I now believe that because of its complicated, two-storied, naturalistic central lotus, the lyre stele (Cat. no. 48, Figs. 155, 156) may descend toward the middle of the century (480-450 B.C.?). 110 One can still recognize the same archaic taste for emphatic spirals in the radiant finial of the famous Aramaic-Lydian bilingual (Cat. no. 241, Fig. 420) stele of a Lydian in Persian service who was named Manes, son of Kumlis. It also has, however, advanced features such as the little bell-flowers exactly parallelled on the stele of the Athenians who fell in 394 B.C. in the Corinthian war. 111 Its master was clearly under the spell of that wondrous creation, the architectural ornament of the Erechtheion (ca. 420-410 B.C.). Growing out of a wide acanthus chalice and inhabited by birds, the involuted design of the stele of Alikres reflects a later taste, that of naturalistic, often overloaded, late classical decoration of which the Greek mainland was the most probable source (Cat. no. 242, Fig. 421). 112

We have only three examples of Lydian anthemion stelai in which the shaft is even approximately preserved: the slender late archaic Cat. no. 47 (Figs. 153, 154) was perhaps 2.5 m. high, and the ratio of height to width better than 4:1 the unusual and still slender classical stele of Katovas (Cat. no. 240, Fig. 419 H. 1.79, W. 0.39) is about 4.5:1. For the bilingual stele Cat. no. 241 of 394 B.C., which is not quite complete (H. 1.63 + , W. 0.53 Fig. 420), the ratio may be 3.5:1. That the classical stelai were shorter and squatter is confirmed by a number of inscribed stelai. 113 Particularly instructive is the stele, no. Cat. no. 22, found by the first Sardis expedition. Its height is two and two thirds times its width. When it was found, the tongue that would have been inserted into the socket of the base was still preserved. 114

Unfortunately, the figured stelai of Sardis have not preserved their crowns, if they ever had them. 115 Their history is discontinuous but illumines aspects and influences not represented in the surviving floral anthemia. There is no doubt that the earliest, that of Atrastas (Cat. no. 17, Figs. 70, 71), belongs to the lively Eastern Greek style of 520-500 B.C. It is unusual in having the small relief scene at the very top of the shaft. Broken at the top, the stele is 0.97 m. high, 0.32 m. wide (a ratio of ca. 3:1). The many examples for the motif of the seated men have been splendidly illustrated by E. Berger, 116 while B. S. Ridgway has attributed to Eastern Greece stelai of the "Man and Dog" group and discussed the meaning of the motif, 117 of which our stele presents an unusual variant with half the dog cut off. The man is envisaged as either reading or writing and this domestic theme with its attributes — the chair, the writing desk(?) — is part of a late archaic trend to depict the milieu, here given with provincial simplification. In addition to the examples cited by Ridgway, one should recall, for the mood of the times, Exekias' charming scene in which the Dioscurus, who has returned home, plays with his dog. 118

A fragment in the Metropolitan Museum, brought in by the first Sardis expedition, is of great importance (Cat. no. 232, Fig. 402). It proves that the type of tall stele with a profiled late archaic or early classical male figure occupying the shaft 119 was represented at Sardis. It also proves, despite poor preservation, that Sardian sculptors came in contact with that soft, nearly sentimental style which is best known through three tall "Man and Dog" stelai and which belongs to the years 490-460 B.C. The matter would be certain if one could substantiate the conjecture made by E. Pfuhl, who argued that the famous "Man and Dog" so-called Borgia stele in Naples, ca. 470-460 B.C., came from Sardis unfortunately, the conjecture is poorly founded. 120 Nevertheless, the figure style seems close to that of the Metropolitan Museum fragment, 121 and the shape of the palmette of the anthemion with leaf-like lower termination of volute is the model of the type from which the volute of our stele Cat. no. 49 (Fig. 157) is derived.

The Greek model for the Metropolitan Museum stele could be either Attic, or Cycladic, or — if Eastern Greece is accepted as the provenance for the Borgia stele — Eastern Greek. With the poorly preserved votive(?) stele (Cat. no. 19, Figs. 75, 76, 77) of a veiled frontal woman and the provincial but fascinating stele of a priestess (Cat. no. 233, Fig. 403), we are definitely in the Cycladic-Boeotian ambient 122 and past the mid-fifth century. A characteristic, classical feature of this group is the single figure with empty space around and overhead. The figure type of Cat. no. 19 itself recalls the so-called Aspasia (Europa). 123 The tall profiled rise above the relief suggests a possible pedimental termination. The awkwardly placed figure of the woman in Cat. no. 233 is imitated from Greek models of the Cycladic-Boeotian group, but the rendering of her garment seems to be influenced by Persian palace reliefs, one of the few signs of Persian influence on lower level sculpture, perhaps conveyed by a Lydian who actually worked in Iran. 124

Although its iconography is very local, the great Artemis-Cybele stele (Cat. no. 20, Figs. 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83) clearly confirms what the anthemion stelai had suggested: from the late fifth century on, Attic influence comes to the fore. Both in the wide format of the architectural frame with a pediment carried by Ionic piers and in the composition of the large goddesses and smaller votaries, the stimuli came from the Attic votive reliefs. This seems also true of the modest Cybele relief, which repeats the type of the famous Athenian image of Agorakritos (Cat. no. 21 Figs. 84, 85). Both works, one perhaps from the beginning, the other from the middle of the fourth century B.C., are executed in a somewhat halting imitation of Attic style.

This is no longer true of the stele of Atrastas, son of Timles, dated by its Lydian inscription after Alexander's conquest to the year 330-329 B.C. The group lacks a tectonic frame. It depicts the old motif of the funerary meal of man and wife, which was beloved by the Persians and Lydians 125 and accepted by Eastern Greeks. The man wears Iranian clothes. The style is curiously linear perhaps it should be viewed as a reflection of late, degenerate Achaemenid linear style such as is known on Greco-Persian gems. 126 This would be in keeping with the confused conditions of the first years of the rule of Alexander before the full impact of Greek influence had time to assert itself among the allegedly liberated Sardians, who had been permitted to retain their own Lydian institutions and customs. The earliest Hellenistic stele, that of Matis (Cat. no. 134, Figs. 267, 268, ca. 250 B.C.), with a Greek inscription, reverts to Greek, indeed to Attic, tradition.

Thus the stelai give glimpses of the development of Sardian sculpture with its high point in the gorgeous archaic ornamental anthemia of an Eastern Greek phase. Then the pendulum swings from Cycladic in earlier classic to Attic in later classic figurative art work, when the stelai masters, at least, remained on a provincial level. Although the whole picture of Sardian arts allows for some influence of the satrapal courts, Persian forms and motifs seem to occur only sporadically. The major determinant is the art of Greece. The Lydian character seems to be clearest in the floral anthemia where we discern a style that is less precise, softer, and more massive than that of archaic or classical Greek stelai.

Chamber tomb stele, now lost. Plan and elevation of chamber tomb showing placement of stelai (From Sardis I (1922) ill. 178) ()

Chamber tomb stele, now lost. ()

Anthemion (finial). (©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/President and Fellows of Harvard College)


Anatolian Votive Stele Showing Kakasbos - History

ARCHAIC & EARLY CLASSICAL GREEK ART

Bronze Age & dark Age continuities:

Compare: Athens, Acropolis, 6th c. BCE lion & bull pediment (half a symmetrical pediment) for an unidentified shrine, treasury, or palace building put up under the Peisistratids. Cf. the animal combat metaphors constant in Homer's epics, which were specially edited and promulagted by the Peisistratids.

"Helmet-maker" Armorer statuette, H&F 4.2, bronze, 5.1 cm ht (tiny!), NY Met. Probably a votive. No provenance.

Warriors in chariots and figure-eight shields (neither used for warfare in Archaic Greece, as they were in Homer) on the geometric funeral pots from Athens (cf. H&F p. 97, shield description, and cf. web text Iliad Shield of Achilles).

Geometric (8th c.) Tomb Marker Pots from Athens, Kerameikos cemetery near the Dipylon gate

- Krater (wine mixing bowl) for male grave - above, funeral bier mourning scene for a man, below, warrior procession

- H&F 4.1 "Dipylon Amphora" (wine storage jar) for female grave, life-size (1.5 m.), Athens. Between handles, funeral bier mourning scene for a woman animal frieze at neck rich ornament, much of it meander pattern. Note the abstracted pattern image of rich textiles on/over the bier as canopy we often, also, compare the geometric pots' ornament schemes to (lost) textile patterns.

[Funerals: the body was laid out in the home on a draped bier, and mourners keened around it (women tearing at hair and clothes) - for aristocrats, for several days - while freinds, relatives and 'clients" came to pay respects. Then the body was taken in procession to the cemetery, with a parade of clan members and displaty of grave gifts, to be burned on a pyre bones & ahes and grave goods were then buried and (for persons of any wealth) a marker set on top - in the Archaic period, sometimes a kouros or kore, sometimes a stele with an image of the deceased. The family regularly returned to feast the dead person at the tomb and feed them by pouring libations of wine and other liquids. There is an elaborate funeral scene in the Iliad, Achilles' funeral for the dead Patroklos, with great chariot races and other contests.]

Ionia, Greece & the East: "Orientalizing"

Naqsh-i-Rustam Throne with Ionian figure, Persepolis details

Orientalizing Pots: Corinth H&F 4.3 , c. 600 , London, 29 cm. Jug made for export trade. Typical of style (later 7th, and early 6th c. BC) of export wares from this major mercantile center: black-figure decoration with added red and engraved detail on white clay ground, stacked animal & monster friezes and ornamental rosette blobs as filler. On this jug, the animals in the friezes are arranged so that it has a "front" with heraldic motifs, on line with the jug mouth (handle attachments visible behind). Above, snarling lions flank "python" below, central motif of animal frieze is winged bird-lion monster pair sharing a single frontal panther face.

Compare: Ephesos (Anatolian coast, Ionia), 6th c. Archaic Temple of Artemis, reconstructed view showing bands of figure ornament around bottom of columns - you can see a heraldic winged figure motif on one of them.

H&F 4.45 Ivory Kneeling Youth from Samos (island), c. 600 BC, ca. 15 cm ht . "Daedalic Style" A figural ivory strut for a larger thing, such as a lyre or a chair or a stand of some kind now missing inlays, for eyes and for pubic hair triangle. From something deicated to Hera at the great international sanctuary at Samos.

context: det. Siphnian Treasury, Throne of Zeus, figural chair-arm struts. Related to the ivory production (cf the Nimrud Ethiopian 7 Lion!) of the Middle East, in material and carving techniques. Note kouros-style physique and pose, clenched fists, long hair.

context: compare Samos ivory handle/stand, caryatid kore at bottom, and caryatid porch Siphnian Treasury.

H&F 4.6 Nikandre of Naxos (island), c. 600, votive from the Temple of Artemis at Delos (island, Pan-Ionian Apollo sanctuary), 1.75 m. A stele-like kore, in a belted tunic, once painted with "woven" ornament, and inscribed with the dedicator's name.

Compare: Monsters ( centaur [this one 9th c. terracotta from Lefkandi on Euboea, an island along the coast of Attica), Gorgon and heraldic felines etc. [the pediment of the temple of Artemis at Corfu, island on the West coast of Greece on the trade routes to Italy, a colony of Corinth], and sphinx [the Sphinx of the Naxians at Delphi's pan-hellenic Apollo sanctuary], on top of its votive column stand]

Egypt: Naxian sphinx & Great Sphinx

The idea of the kouros, monumental stone sculpture and replication:

5th Dyn. relief of Mycerinus

6th c. BCE "Kleobis & Biton" from Olympia (H&F p. 100), limestone, life-size, inscribed on statues - kouroi as images of mythical heroes. (These seem to be by the same school of Peloponnesian sculptors who made H&F 4.7 The limestone "Hera" head also from Olympia, c. 600).

H&F 4.9 Kouros from Tenea in Attica, marble, c. 570, Munich. Kouros probably for a tomb marker (on top of an aristocrat's tumulus).

Other kouroi found as votives, especially in Apollo sanctuaries, and sometimes used as images of Apollo.

H&F 4.8, Kore from the Acropolis in Athens, made by artists from the island of Chios, painted marble, c. 510. Originally ca. 1m., now 54 cm. (broken at knees). A votive to Athena. She wears Ionian dress - the traces of paint are valuable documents both for sculpture and for textiles - a thin chiton adn over it a digonally draped himation, both elaborately pleaated, and a corown (stpehane) in her hair. Her left arm pulled her skirt to one side to help her take a step

[context - Antenor's kore from Athens, a more complete statue] and her right arm was bent at the elbow with the forearm, now broken away, extended to hold an offering such as a fruit or a bird. For the East Greek style of this deication in Athens, compare the caryatids of the Treasury of the Siphnians (an East Greek island) at Delphi, ca. 525 - and recall that East Greek sculptors were hired for the 2nd Tyrannicides dedication in Athens.

H&F 4.12 "Wrestler's base", from Athens, marble, c. 500 BC, just over a foot long. H&F show the front of this base which was carved on 3 sides, I add for you one of the other sides - all showed young men at athletic training in the gymnasium, carved in low relief (in a style very // to contemporary vase painting), with the background painted red to make them stand out (the side still has paint).

It seems that very elaborate kouros votives in Athens could stand on a carved base whose images would comment further on the character and social roles of the dedicant, showing male activities at play and at war. His kouros (I show you one in the style of this base's era) would have stood stiffly over the very active scenes. Heraldic, very symmetrical compositions are typical of these bases' fronts, looser compositions for their sides. I show you for comparison another one with warrior images.

High Archaic and Early Classical Athenian Pots:

Athen's vase-painting workshops take over the dominant export role of Corinth. Many of the pots were used to ship Attica's famous wine & olive oil. They were enormously popular in Italy, and most of our Athenian painted pots survive in fact becuase they were used by the Etruscans, whose upper class buried in safe underground chamber tombs richly stocked with grave goods.

H&F 4.13 Exekias' Ajax & Achilles black-figure amphora from an Etruscan tomb at Vulci, now in the Vatican, ca. 540-530, ca. 61 cm ht. Both sides show great warrior heroes at moments of rest.

View and dets. of "front": a scene from the Iliad - Ajax and Achilles playing a board game in the tent of Achilles, signed by the painter little word strings over the protagonist' heads spell out their comments on their moves. The tent "sides" are the frame sides, their armor leaning against it.

View back: the Dioscuri (the heroes Castor & Pollux, cf. Siphnian Treasury) at the end of a day with their horses.

H&F 4.14 The Kleophrades Painter's red-figure krater (wine-mixing bowl) found in an Etruscan chamber tomb in Tarquinia (South Italy), made in Athens, c. 500-490 BC, with scenes of young men working out in the gymnasium. This slide whows the whole face of the young discus thrower (context, Myron's Discobolos) in H&F's detail the other side (detail in H&F) showed weight training, and jumping exercises (the pick is to swing for strength exercise, not to actually "work"!) This is the painter (the pot inscriptions name only the potter Kleophrades) who decorated your Heracles stamnos.

Tyrannicides and Greek temple sculpture: see the special link and Julia Shear's text for you explaining the monuments. be able to recognize Corfu, Aigina, and Olympia pediments.

Siphnian Treasury Section: see special link. be able to remeber the elements of the program - the 4 friezes and their myths, esp. the epic themes of the E (from the Iliad of Homer) and the N (from Hesiod's Theogony), the pediment themes, and also note the Dionysiac friezes that went around the caryatids' tall headdresses.


Fethiye Museum

The Fethiye Museum is a delightful museum, located off the main street in the center of town next to a school. It has many Lycian artifacts, some of which were found during the excavations of Fethiye (ancient Telmessos).

Exhibits include Lycian pieces from the Bronze, Archaic, Hellenistic and Roman ages and from Byzantine times. There are coins from various periods, pre-historical and historical ornaments, statues, busts etc. Also pieces of a tomb from Tlos, grave steles, offering altars, jewelry, bronze pieces, amphorae, column pedestals and capitals and earthenware vases. One very significant find displayed here is the very important ' Trilingual Stele ' from Letoon, bearing inscriptions in Greek, Lycian and Aramaic, which is crucial in the deciphering of the Lycian language. There is also a separate ethnographic section with pieces from the Menteşe and Ottoman times. Outside the museum is an open-air gallery with many interesting pieces.

Unfortunately, some of the Lycian exhibits do not have descriptions and not many of them describe the city or area that the piece originated in, this may be due to the fact that many of the artifacts were confiscated from looters and this information has been lost. But the museum is still very much worth a visit!

The museum is open every day except Mondays, Tues-Sun 8am-5pm . At the entrance of the museum books in various languages especially on archaeological and historical subjects are offered for sale.

Below are some photos I took at the museum during a recent trip there, just a sampling of what is on exhibit.

Click any of the photos below for a larger image

Bronze pieces, including a phallic amulet (right), a Roman period
charm against the evil eye. These were fairly common in the late Roman era, especially in the outlying regions of the Empire.

6th century BC statue of Eni Mahanahi (an ancient mother goddess) from Letoon. Read more about the statue here.

Hellenistic pottery, I'm not sure when the pieces in the last picture date to.

"Stelae of Promise": these were used to honor the realization of a wish made to the gods as a sort of thanks-giving. They usually feature the Anatolian rider deity Kakasbos holding the club of Hercules, riding upon a horse moving to the right. On the pedestal the reason for the wish would be inscribed as well as the wish-maker's name and the name of the god to whom the wish was made. This type of stelae was especially used in Cybryra, in the northwest region of Lycia.

Two of the museum's stelae read "Polemon, son of Diogenes, fulfills his promise to the god Kakasbos" and "Petraios fulfills his promise to the god Kakasbos."

Grave Stelae: the Lycian followed the custom also often practiced in Mesopotamia, Egypt and Greece of erecting a stone column or plate inscribed with an ephitaph. These stele had considerable importance during the Hellenistic period and the museum's stelae are mainly from this time, their form influenced by that of temples. The museum's examples are generally sculpted from hard rock, rather than marble.

The dead with close friends, family and servants are sculpted in relief. The figure in the middle, generally laying or sitting, is the deceased and the stele's inscription below generally bears infomation regarding who-and-whom had the stele made, with their father's name mentioned.

1. "Menekles, son of Menippose, from Hygarma, good man fare-thee-well! Sebina Kindis, daughter of Thon."

2. "Dionysios and Doras dedicated (this stele) to the memory of their sister Arsasis."

3. "Dionysios, son of Dionysios, son of Theodoros, and Xenarchis, daughter of Dorotheos, (dedicated to the memory of) Artemisia, their daughter."

4. "Euagoras, son of Pasinikos, (dedicated the stele) to his son and to the memory of his adoptive foundling Dikaios."

1. and 2. Figures of women, marble, Roman era, copies.

3. Believed to be a statue of Athena from the early Roman period

5. Statue of a woman found at the excavation of the amphitheatre in Telmessos (Fethiye), second century AD.

6. Life-size statue of a woman found in Fethiye, probably the wife of a high-ranking man.

8. Head from a bust (the museum has several busts and heads from statues), believed to be that of a Roman emperor.

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Catullus’ Poem on Attis. Texts and Contexts

The focus of this volume is that delirious poem about ritual self-castration, in ninety-three exotic galliambics, which W. Y. Sellar famously called ‘the most remarkable poetic creation in the Latin language’. 1 Four of these five papers were originally delivered at a so- called ‘Text-in-Context’ day at the University of Groningen in 2003 the fifth is a lecture given by Stephen J. Harrison at Groningen in 2002. The papers are accompanied by a new text and translation of the poem (Harrison) and a technical appendix that reexamines the evidence for Hellenistic galliambic poems (Nauta). The volume appeared earlier as a special issue of Mnemosyne (57.5, 2004).

According to the editors, the aim of the ‘Text-in-Context’ colloquia at the Dutch National Graduate School in Classical Studies is to illustrate how various ‘disciplines construct and approach their subject and how they may cooperate towards a better understanding of culture’. The disciplines represented are Greek and Roman literature, history of religion, and linguistics and all five contributors approach their subject through the study of texts: four use the methods of classical philology (Harrison, Bremmer, Harder, and Nauta) the fifth (Kroon) takes a formalist approach, albeit one not typically seen in classical scholarship (text linguistic analysis). Two of the papers attempt to recover the cultural and religious contexts that the poem’s fictions presuppose (Bremmer and Nauta), but the evidence they marshal is almost entirely textual. For the most part, the contributors do indeed choose to ‘cooperate’ rather than to engage in other, less harmonious but possibly also more exciting modes of exchange. In particular, most of them share the widely-held view that although the poem is Hellenistic in character, it is not, as Wilamowitz thought, based on a Hellenistic model. 2 For a different opinion one has to wait till the appendix, where Nauta reexamines and reinstates the textual and metrical evidence for the view that the poem may in fact have had a Hellenistic model, possibly even Callimachus (‘Hephaestion and Catullus 63 Again’). Ironically, then, the most subversive piece, which also promises to be one of the most cited, is the one that most convincingly reestablishes the wissenschaftliche status quo.

Stephen Harrison, whose lecture at Groningen inspired the theme of this particular ‘Text-in-Context’ day, examines three potentially hot topics through a traditional exercise in intertextuality (‘Altering Attis: Ethnicity, Gender, and Genre in Catullus 63′). On the theme of ethnicity, he shows that Attis’ voyage from one culture (Greece) to another (Asia Minor) reverses the journey of Dionysus’ devotees in the Bacchae. Regarding gender, he argues that the poet constructs Attis as ‘female’ not only through the use of feminine adjectives and pronouns, but also through ‘references’ to Euripides’ Medea and to Apollonius’ Argonautica, as well as to Euripides’ Bacchae, making the hero a variation on the ‘lamenting abandoned literary heroine’ so vividly portrayed in Cat. 64. Much of this, of course, is familiar. 3 Like others, Harrison concludes that the poem has affinities not only with Euripidean tragedy, but also with Hellenistic epigram, epyllion, and literary hymn. By incorporating tragic motifs and episodes into a poem that possesses hymnic features (but see Nauta’s challenge on 100-101), Catullus reenacts the genre-mixing strategies of Theocritus 26 like the Hellenistic poets, he is engaged in a Kreuzung der Gattungen that anticipates Augustan generic experimentation.

Annette Harder surveys the “Hellenistic background” for Cat. 63 in an attempt to see ‘how prominent the Hellenistic element in Catullus’ poem was and whether it served some kind of specific purpose’ (‘Catullus 63: A “Hellenistic Poem”?’) (71). Taking what she calls ‘a systematic look at possible Hellenistic elements from various angles’ (72), she proposes five loosely-defined criteria that enable her to conclude that although the poem lacks many features typical of Hellenistic poetry (such as explicit programmatic remarks, an interest in cultic aetiology, and learned play with the mythological and literary tradition), it nevertheless makes ‘a selective, but careful and creative use of Hellenistic elements, with a certain focus on the means of allusion and Kreuzung der Gattungen‘ (65). Harder’s investigation produces results that closely resemble those of Harrison, with one novel observation: four of the poem’s admittedly infrequent ‘Hellenistic’ gestures occur in the episode in which Attis wakes up from his divinely inspired delusion and longs to return home to his Hellenistic Greek town, and the fifth occurs when the narrator ‘wakes up’ from the poem and expresses skepticism about the goddess. Harder suggests that the poet may be setting up an opposition between poetic inspiration and technical refinement in his moments of lucidity, Attis ‘awakens’ to a memory of the tradition from which he comes.

In a knotty investigation that does little to make its conclusions accessible to the general reader, Jan Bremmer proposes to investigate the myth and cult of Attis as it was manifested in three cultures (‘Attis: A Greek God in Anatolian Pessinous and Catullan Rome’). As his title suggests, the Near-Eastern god Attis is known to us only through Greek sources, but Bremmer begins by arguing that one of the most famous of these must be dismissed. The story at Hdt. 1.34-45 is about a figure named Atys, not Attis, and although this Lydian prince is killed in a boar hunt, his story has nothing to do with the Hellenistic elegy by Hermesianax (summarized by Pausanias) in which Attis was said to have traveled from Phrygia to Lydia only to be killed by a boar. Neither text offers any evidence for an authentic old Lydian tradition about Attis. Bremmer then turns to Greece to challenge the conventional wisdom about the date of Attis’ arrival in the West. Examining the earliest literary mentions of the god, he dismisses an ironic reference to ‘that Attis of yours’ in a fragment of old comedy (Theopompus fr. 28) on the grounds that it refers to a human lover, although surely the point is that in his effeminacy the human lover resembles the mythical one. Turning instead to the anecdote in which Demosthenes uses the god’s name to tarnish Aeschines’ reputation at On the Crown 18.260, Bremmer ingeniously if implausibly shifts the date of the reference to the god from Aeschines’ youth to c. 330 BC, combining it with an Athenian votive stele dedicated to Attis to show that the god was introduced into Athens later than previously supposed.

In his third and longest section Bremmer extricates elements of original Phrygian myth and ritual from the four late Greek and Roman sources that preserve four earlier accounts of the god. Disentangling early from late details, he concludes that the four earlier accounts ‘cleaned up’ features of the Phrygian myth and/or ritual for consumption by a Greek audience. Moving on to sketch an ‘integral’ picture of the myth and ritual at Pessinus in ‘broad strokes’ (41), he attends to onomastic and other minutiae: clearing up some lingering confusion about the names of the protagonists, he shows, among other things, that the mysterious pine cone of Roman ritual, absent from the Greek sources, is an originally Anatolian detail.

Bremmer compresses his discussion of Attis in Rome into just two short paragraphs. 4 As one might expect, however, he provides useful commentary on the religious details of the poem itself, particularly its fusion of Metroac and Dionysiac motifs. Noting that the connection between the cults of Cybele and Dionysus was a phenomenon already observed by Strabo, he is not surprised that so many scholars have noticed the poem’s debt to Dionysiac literature, esp. Bacchae and Theocritus 26. But although in the end he evidently agrees with Fordyce’s declaration that Catullus’ Attis bears ‘no resemblance’ to the ‘Attis of myth’, we never find out whether he also agrees that he bears no resemblance to the ‘Attis of ritual’, since he never takes a stand on whether the poem’s cultic details are Dionysiac or Metroac (presumably they are both, but exactly how is what one would like to know).

Building on an earlier article in which he discusses the promise and perils of reception theory, 5 Ruurd Nauta, in his ‘Catullus 63 in a Roman Context’, proposes to reconstruct the horizon of expectation of the original audience, showing that the poem would have unsettled readers’ expectations about ‘marriage’, ‘masculinity’, pietas, and Roman-ness in general. Examining the protagonist’s sexual and cultural identity from the perspective of a contemporary Roman reader, he points out that Attis’ behaviour stood in sharp conflict with conventional norms and values. By converting himself into a woman, he has disrupted the normal passage to heterosexual adulthood from homosexual youth ( ego iuvenis, ego adulescens, ego ephebus, ego puer, 63) his present condition thus stands in striking contrast to the more conventional state of marriage celebrated in the other carmina maiora. Attis also abandons the social and economic order: a study of the allegorization of the Magna Mater myth in other Roman authors, particularly Lucretius, shows that a contemporary audience would have seen the self-castration as displaying a lack of pietas towards parents and homeland. Nauta speculates that Catullus’ audience might have read his poem as an implicit discourse about national identity. By introducing a figure associated with the Romans’ place of origin who nevertheless challenges conventional norms of Roman behaviour, the poet may be making Phrygian orgiastic effeminacy a component of Trojan and hence Roman identity. Nauta ends by declaring that the poem contains no Roman elements whatsoever (116) — although surely the leaping steps ( tripudiis 26) with which the ‘un-Roman’ galli mimic the dances of the Roman Salii could be used to support the argument that the poet is incorporating Phrygian effeminacy into Roman identity — or vice versa. Not surprisingly, this rich and sharply focused ‘reconstruction of the mental picture that Romans of Catullus’ time had of galli’ (85) shows no interest in the admittedly scanty (although not unsuggestive) evidence for Roman attitudes towards galli in the time before Catullus. 6

Any methodological alarm caused by Caroline Kroon’s title (‘The Effect of the Echo. A Text Linguistic Approach to Catullus carmen 63′) is diminished by her conservative definition of text (‘a hierarchical structure of interrelated utterances… a single whole with a specific communicative aim’ (121)). Explaining that text linguistic analyses are usually performed on narrative prose texts, she observes that ‘there does not seem to be an a priori reason to exclude poetry from such linguistic analyses’ (122). Given that her method has roots in the work of Roman Jakobson, one wonders why she is defensive about applying it to a poem, and why she should be surprised to find that the poem differs in striking ways from a narrative prose text. Noting that narrative prose texts typically achieve ‘coherence’ through their ‘event structure’, she argues that in Cat. 63 coherence is achieved through a ‘theme centered structure’ involving lexical, syntactic, phonetic, rhythmical and (especially) semantic repetition. Repetition, she speculates, may be one of the poem’s central themes: it contains more instances of repetition than Catullus’ other poems, along with an unusually high number of verbs prefixed by re-. The poem’s semantic, syntactic, and ‘sound-rhythm’ repetitions may be related, she concludes, to its primary aim of depicting the protagonist’s oscillation between two opposed modes of existence and their corresponding mental states. Although Kroon effectively explains the aims and methods of text linguistics for the uninitiated, her attempts to link the formal features of the poem to the fictional world inhabited by the protagonist and the real world inhabited by the reader can be baffling, as when she declares that the poem’s repetitions ‘form the outlines of a highly schematized and sketchy “reality”‘ (140) and that the poem evokes a ‘second reality’ in which the device of repetition has become an end in itself (141). Perhaps she means that the poem’s repetitions conspire to enchant the reader just as Attis himself has been enchanted, so that the reader’s reality comes to resemble the fictional world of the protagonist. Perhaps not. As with several of the other articles, some of the more interesting implications are left to the reader to extract.

Kroon’s formalist analysis makes a useful contribution to the volume by recovering the poem itself (as opposed to its intertexts and contexts) as an object of study. In the end, however, Catullus’ Attis eludes his pursuers. Nevertheless, even if this collection sometimes paints a clearer picture of its contributors’ scholarly preoccupations than of the poem’s dazzling ritual poetics, it is a valuable resource that provides a provocative starting point for future work.

The articles are accompanied by individual bibliographies ranging in length from half a page (Kroon) to five pages (Bremmer) there is a general index and an index locorum. The rest of the volume shows signs of hasty production. One wishes there had been time to clean up some of the more jarring infelicities of English style: at least two of the articles are marred by odd locutions, run-on sentences, repetitiousness, comma errors, and footnote-ese. There are a number of minor typographical errors ‘rejoycings’ should read ‘rejoicings’ (46) ‘derwishes’ > ‘dervishes’ (54 n. 145) ‘Hellenistic model’ > ‘a Hellenistic model’ (59) ‘Ziegler, K’. > ‘Ziegler, K. 1969’ (64) ‘had’ > ‘has’ (bottom of 68) ‘Harrison, 21’ > ‘Harrison, 20’ (100, n. 51) ‘form’ > ‘from’ (108) ‘have got’ > ‘have gotten’ or ‘get’ (bottom of 125) ‘aimlessly’ > ‘aimless’ (135), etc. More disruptive are the cut-and-paste errors on p. 19, where chaos reigns in footnotes 21 and 22 and on pp. 70-71, where several sentences (and sentence fragments!) in the body of the text should be relegated to footnotes, especially the ones beginning ‘E.g. Quinn (1970, 283) speaks about …’ and ‘Thus e.g. Syndikus (1990, 80) found that …’. On p. 78, footnote 20 refers to a note housed on p. 77.

Contents

Stephen Harrison, critical text and translation of Catullus 63

Stephen Harrison, ‘Altering Attis: Ethnicity, Gender and Genre in Catullus 63’

Jan N. Bremmer, ‘Attis: A Greek God in Anatolian Pessinous and Catullan Rome’

Annette Harder, ‘Catullus 63: A “Hellenistic Poem”?’

Ruurd R. Nauta, ‘Catullus 63 in a Roman Context’

Caroline Kroon, ‘The Effect of the Echo. A Text Linguistic Approach to Catullus carmen 63′

Ruurd R. Nauta, ‘Appendix: Hephaestion and Catullus 63 Again’.

1. W. Y. Sellar, Roman Poets of the Republic, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1889) 461.

2. U. von Wilamowitz, Hermes 14 (1879)194-201 = Kleine Schriften II, 1-8 Hellenistische Dichtung in der Zeit des Kallimachos II (Berlin, 1924) 291-95. J. P. Elder considered this suggestion ‘unsupportable’ as early as 1947: see AJP 68 (1947), 394-403. For a full statement of the skeptical view, see D. Mulroy, Phoenix 30 (1976) 61-72.

3. See e.g. G. O. Hutchinson, Hellenistic Poetry (Oxford, 1988) 310-14, and M. Fantuzzi and R. Hunter, Tradition and Innovation in Hellenistic Poetry (Cambridge, 2004) 477-85, originally published as Muse e modelli: la poesia ellenistica da Alessandro Magno ad Augusto (Rome, 2002).

4. Surely even the relative silence of the sources deserves more comment see e.g. G. Thomas, ‘Magna Mater and Attis’, ANRW II.17.3 (1984), esp. 1508-12, and F. Bmer, ‘Kybele in Rom. Die Geschichte ihres Kults als politisches Phänomen’, Röm. Mitt. 71 (1964), 130-51. Bremmer also brushes aside 94 terracotta images of Attis found on the Palatine and dating to the period from 191-111 BC for which see L. E. Roller, In Search of God the Mother: The Cult of Anatolian Cybele (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1999) 271-80.

5. R. R. Nauta, ‘Historicizing Reading: the Aesthetics of Reception and Horace’s “Soracte Ode”’ in I. de Jong and J. P. Sullivan, eds. Modern Critical Theory and Classical Literature. Mnemosyne supplement 130 (Leiden, 1994) 207-30.

6. For Roman attitudes towards Attis and galli in the century and a half before Catullus, see n. 4 above esp. suggestive for Cat. 63 is the incident in which a slave of Q. Servilius Caepio (cos. 106) castrated himself in the service of the Magna Mater and was trans mare exportatus ne umquam Romae reverteretur (101 BC) (Iulius Obsequens, Prodigiorum liber 44).


Tyler Jo Smith

Tyler Jo Smith (Oxford, D.Phil, 1997) is Associate Professor of Classical Archaeology, and Director of the Interdisciplinary Archaeology Program at the University of Virginia. Her primary areas of research include Greek vase-painting and iconography, the art and archaeology of religion and performance, and the archaeology of Anatolia and the Black Sea. She is the author of Komast Dancers in Archaic Greek Art (Oxford, 2010), and co-editor of the Blackwell Companion to Greek Art (with D. Plantzos, 2012). Her current research projects include a book on art and religion in ancient Greece, and the publication of Greek and South Italian vases in the collection of Sir John Soane's Museum, London. Professor Smith has received numerous awards for her research, including fellowships from the Center for Hellenic Studies, Harvard university, and the Institute of Classical Studies in London. She serves on the executive board of the American Research Institute in Turkey, and the editorial boards of the Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum for North America and the American Journal of Archaeology. As a field archaeologist, she has participated on excavations and field surveys in Turkey, Greece, Sicily, and England.

Conferences

Imaging Religion in Greek Art

Surprisingly little has been written about the relationship between art and religion in ancient Greece. Unlike mythology, which is very well served by introductory surveys which integrate visual and material evidence, religion has been overlooked and even ignored by classical archaeologists. The reasons for this are many and relate to perception of ancient Greek religion by classical scholars on the one hand, and to the position of ritual and religion in the history of archaeology on the other. This lecture presents a brief historiography of the combined themes of Mediterranean art and religion the specifics of applying the terms religion, ritual and performance to Classical cultures and the sources, evidence and context vital to the study of ancient Greek ‘religious art’.

Defining Sacred Space on Vases and Reliefs

When we look at a vase-painting, votive relief, or other artwork, we should ask how the spaces of public religious worship are being articulated visually. Is it possible not only to identify the activity taking place, but also the location of that activity? What are the sites or moments of worship that artists choose most frequently, and how can we be certain of what we see? The first part of this lecture will introduce the ancient Greek sanctuary as a venue for religious practice and one that artists must have been at least partially aware of in order to communicate religious subject matter. In order to create that backdrop, it is necessary to identify the major elements of the sanctuary with particular attention to particular details show to us by artists (i.e. altar, temple, statues, and other ‘permanent’ and portable features). The second part of the lecture surveys the stages and cultic events known to have occurred during public festivals and their performance. Well-represented by the iconographic record are processions and sacrifices, libations, banquets, dance, and music, and competitions (both athletic and dramatic).

Interaction, Cult, and Memory in the Art of Southwest Anatolia

A large number of Hellenistic and Roman votive reliefs have been discovered during the course of archaeological exploration of Southwest Anatolia (Lycia and Pisidia). Among the types represented most notable are the twin hero-gods, Castor and Pollux, accompanied by an unnamed 'goddess, and the local Anatolian horseman, sometimes called Kakasbos. This lecture introduces the cults and images represented, and address the themes of memory and interaction in relation to the reliefs. As permanent votive dedications, the relief carvings (some inscribed) play both devotional and commemorative roles. Their function and iconography also express the importance of protection. It will be argued that the divinities themselves are neither fully Greco-Roman nor fully Anatolian, and that their conflation in these examples, as well as their function in the landscape, indicate regional phenomena.

Gods, Goddesses and Devotion: Another Look at “Opfernde Götter"

The gods and goddesses of ancient Greece were depicted regularly in both public and private arts. They featured regularly in epic poetry, hymns and staged dramas, all performance genres, as well as in historical and philosophical writings. But the Greeks did not only perceive their gods through mythological narratives or via a text-driven format. The numerous divine figures, known to us from both literature and art, were the focus of religious worship and in fact the structural framework for it. But did the gods function as models for human beings, rather than as mirrors, as one scholar has recently stated? One may certainly question what, if any, devotional purpose images of the divine might have served. This lecture explores the religious lives of the gods with particular attention to images of the divine taking an active role in religious activities, such as pouring or receiving libations. After summarizing the views of past scholars, a new interpretation of these enigmatic scenes will be offered.


Volume 66 - 2016

Articles

The ground beneath their feet: building continuity at Neolithic Çukuriçi Höyük

A Neolithic structure was rebuilt three times at Çukuriçi Höyük, on the central Anatolian Aegean coast, despite its unfavourable location on unsettled fill. We draw upon this seemingly incongruous case to make inference about the siting of buildings in Neolithic times. Through detailed cross-comparison with other sequences of vertically superimposed buildings in Anatolia and the Aegean region, we retrace the contours of a Neolithic practice aimed at maintaining occupation in one place. Over time, building continuity transformed into a strategy by some households to claim authority over a place and appropriate it for their own benefit. With regard to the location of Neolithic buildings, we conclude that choices about location dominated over practical considerations. Once a commitment to place was made, there was no turning back, even when this meant living in an unstable house that needed to be rebuilt repeatedly.

The Early Bronze Age figurine from Hasanoğlan, central Turkey: new archaeometrical insights

The following article discusses the archaeometrical dimension of a well-known Early Bronze Age metal figurine from Hasanoğlan, Turkey, on permanent display in the Anatolian Civilisations Museum in Ankara. The transfer of the object to a new display case allowed for an examination with a portable x-ray fluorescence (P-XRF) device in order to reveal the chemical composition of the statuette and its attached ornaments. The figurine was confirmed to be made of silver. However, it is alloyed with a small but still substantial amount of copper. The applications are basically made of gold, but with a suspected substantial (up to 23%) amount of silver involved. The final section of the article is dedicated to a critical comparison with recently published figurines from Alaca Höyük, together with an archaeological and chronological reappraisal of this unique piece of art.

Stone stelae and religious space at Kültepe-Kaneš

Prior to the emergence of the fully officialised temples of the Hittite state, formal religious space in Anatolia is recognisable in a handful of small shrines or sanctuaries. Presumably at the service of local communities, but neither monumental nor formulaic, such shrines attest to a modest if eclectic range of religious activities in the early second millennium. Also to be included in this range are rituals which took place within the domestic sphere, pointing to private family-based concerns, rather than a communal agenda, guiding ritual activity. Such spaces are conspicuous in the Lower Town settlement of the well-known site of Kültepe-Kaneš, where a small number of private houses were furnished with a cultic installation in the form of a stone stele. Associated with a range of other symbolically charged elements (such as ritual vessels, foundation or votive deposits), these stelae are a stark testimony to the practice of delineating permanent, formalised ritual space within quotidian domestic space. This article offers a detailed examination of stone stelae at Kültepe-Kaneš in order to identify meaningful frameworks of contextual analysis, cross-cultural comparanda and correlation of the archaeological data with visual and textual accounts of cult activity in a society in which local Anatolian and northern Mesopotamian elements intermixed over several generations from the beginning of the 20th to that of the 17th century BC.

Cosmopolitanism, communality and the appropriation of Mycenaean pottery in western Anatolia

The presence of imported and locally produced Mycenaean pottery in western Anatolia has long caught the attention of scholars, and various explanatory models have been proposed to explain the apparent attractiveness of the pottery. In most cases, however, emphasis is placed on the (stylistic) differences between Mycenaean pottery and the various local plain wares, and it is assumed that these differences were actively recognised by local communities and exploited in the formation of social identities. This paper, however, pilots a different approach that focuses not on the stylistic differences between Mycenaean pottery and the various Anatolian wares but on the (perceived) common ground(s) between them and argues that the attractiveness of Mycenaean, and previously Minoan pottery, lay not so much in its cultural origins or its ‘foreignness’ as in its potential to fit in with existing local material assemblages and enhance a sense of communality among cosmopolitan communities.

The land of Hiyawa (Que) revisited

The focus of this article is the recently published, near-duplicate ARSUZ inscriptions carved on two stelae found near İskenderun in southeastern Turkey and dating to the later tenth century BC. Particular attention is given to the historical section of these inscriptions, and its reference to a land called Hiyawa (Assyrian Que) in eastern Cilicia, previously attested in only one other Iron Age inscription, the Luwian-Phoenician bilingual found at Çineköy near Adana. The article discusses what new information can be deduced about Hiyawa, including its relationship with the land of Adana(wa) in eastern Cilicia, the implications to be drawn from the findspot of the stelae and the much-debated question of whether the references to Hiyawa reflect Greek settlement in southeastern Anatolia during the Early Iron Age. Fresh attention is also given to the two Akkadian texts from the archives of Late Bronze Age Ugarit which refer to a group called the Hiyawa-men, who were located at that time (late 13th to early 12th century) in Lukka in southwestern Anatolia. The controversial identification of this group with Ahhiyawans/Mycenaean Greeks is re-examined within the broader context of a comprehensive reconsideration of the Ahhiyawa-Hiyawa equation and the role played by ‘Hiyawans’ and the land of Hiyawa in the affairs of the eastern Mediterranean world from the end of the Bronze Age through the succeeding Iron Age.

The Attalid victory at Magnesia on a lost plaque from Pergamon

This article explores the battle scene on a small bronze plaque recovered during the 19th-century excavation of Pergamon, initially published in 1913 and subsequently lost. It argues that the most likely identification of the scene is the Battle of Magnesia, fought in 190 BC. The scene features Attalid cavalry riding to the rescue of distressed Roman legionaries, both fighting in opposition to Antiochus the Great's heavy phalanx and Gallic cavalry. The heroics of the Attalid cavalry are central to the scene, and likely reflect a courtly narrative that gave Eumenes II and his small contingent outsized credit for the joint victory.

Building Roman Lycia: new inscriptions and monuments from the baths and peristyle buildings Ml 1 and Ml 2 at Oinoanda

A new building inscription (no. 1) from Oinoanda, found beside the baths building Ml 1 in 2011, dedicates the building to the Roman emperor Vespasian and his sons Titus and Domitian in AD 73. This article places the new find in the setting of the whole building complex, including the adjacent building Ml 2, which is likely to be a palaistra (wrestling-school), though rebuilt over a century later. The inscription supplies new evidence for the date of the governor of Lycia-Pamphylia, Firmus. It also points to the existence of earlier baths, which is compared to other similar indications from elsewhere in Lycia. A second, but illegible, inscription was recorded in 2012, outside a doorway leading from building Ml 1 into the peristyle building Ml 2 (no. 2). A third inscription on a statue base in building Ml 2 was also recorded (no. 3), along with two other illegible statue-base inscriptions (nos 4 and 5). The article places them in the context of the inscribed monuments found earlier at the building complex (nos 6 and 7), which may have included the small building Ml 3, and discusses them in the light of the broader phenomenon of Julio-Claudian and Flavian baths buildings in the region, and the role of the provincial governors and procurators in overseeing such building projects. This allows us to draw some conclusions about the nature and impact of Roman rule in first-century Lycia, which brought within the reach of many Lycian cities piped water, Italian-style bathing and new, improved facilities for the regionally popular heavy athletic sports of boxing, wrestling and pankration (unarmed combat).

New inscriptions from the Choria Considiana: Çalçak Roman necropolis

This paper presents the initial results of an epigraphic survey of a Roman imperial estate, carried out in 2014 in northern Choria Considiana, today encompassing the area of Mihalıççık in Eskişehir, located between the Sakarya (Sangarios) river to the north and the Porsuk (Tembris) river to the south. The paper focuses on ten funerary inscriptions found in situ in the Çalçak Roman necropolis, 4km distant from Dinek village in Mihalıççık. All these inscriptions, found on the northern edge of the Choria Considiana, contain information relating to the social and economic status of the inhabitants of the estate, and also offer evidence about stone quarries and stonemasonry in the region. The paper begins with a presentation of the historical geography of the region, and then evaluates the new inscriptions against the existing evidence about the Choria Considiana with reference to the social and economic infrastructure of the area important questions about the social, economic and cultural life of the region are posed. The article concludes with a catalogue of the inscriptions.

Pagan angels in Roman Asia Minor: revisiting the epigraphic evidence

Franz Cumont's influential article on pagan angels in Revue de l’histoire des religions , published just over a century ago in 1915, remains the point de départ for work on that subject. The present essay offers a brief evaluation of some of its features, and then concentrates on Greek epigraphic evidence from Asia Minor in the Roman imperial period. Most of these texts were not published when Cumont wrote, or else he treated them briefly since his focus lay largely on ancient philosophical discussions about angeloi by both insiders and outsiders to the Christian movement and geographically he ranged more widely than we have chosen to do. The main aim of the present essay, however, is to test the widely-accepted hypothesis of A.R.R. Sheppard (1980/1981) that Jewish influence on pagan notions of angeloi is visible in these inscriptions even though that influence was applied by non-Jews in a confused manner.

A late antique ceramic workshop complex: evidence for workshop organisation at Sagalassos (southwest Turkey)

Sites of ceramic production have been discovered throughout the area that was once the Roman Empire as a result, it is becoming increasingly clear that this industry was, in the Roman and late antique worlds, organised in numerous ways. In consideration of the organisational diversity in ceramic production attested during the period, this article presents some of the findings from the excavations of a late antique complex of ceramic workshops at the site of Sagalassos in order to consider archaeological evidence in terms of, not only the organisation of the manufacturing process, but also structures of workshop decision-making. Several lines of archaeological evidence are outlined, and argue for a model of independent work units integrated into a larger organisational structure of decision-making, and possibly even ownership, across the complex. In addition, the motivation to invest in a multi-workshop complex during the late antique period at Sagalassos is contextualised within the wider history of local and regional economic development.


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